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Christian Citizenship. 



CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP 



57 
V6 



A MANUAL 



BY 



CARLOS MARTYN 

Author of " Wendell Phillips: The Agitator," "John B. Gough: 

The Apostle of Cold Water," Editor of the Series 

of "American Reformers," etc. 






New York 

FUNK & WAGNAIXS COMPANY 

Londo Toronto 

1897 



^ 






Copyright 

FUNK & \VA(;XAI.I ( S COMPANY 
[Registered at Stationers 1 Hall 

PRINTED IN THE 



CONTENTS. 



PART I. 

CITIZENSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES. 

I. The Male Citizen, . 11-22 

II. The Female Citizen,. . . 23-42 

PART II. 

CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

I. Why Christian Citizenship ? . 45~49 

II. Power and Responsibility of Chris- 

.tian Voters, .... 50-56 

PART III. 

mi-: ak: 

I. Primary and Ballot Box, . 59~66 

II. The Civil Service, . . . 67-79 

III. Unr d Immigration, . 80-S9 

IV The Li ite and Traffic, 90-101 

V. S Evil, . . 102-121 

VI. Gamblii .... [22-130 



VI CONTENTS. 

VII. The Devil in Ink, . . 131-141 

VIII. The American Sunday, . 142-158 

IX. Youg People's Societies and Chris- 

tian Citizenship, . [59 

X. Organization — Basis, Objects, and 

Methods, .... 166-186 

XI. " Hitch Your Wagon to a Star," 187-192 

Appendix, . . [95-213 

Index, . . 215-224 



PREFACE 



Some years since the writer put his pulpit on 
whe - meeting-house of the continent, 

and began to preach a series of peripatetic ser- 
mons with Christian citizenship tor the uniform 
text. Ashe proceeded in his work he discovered 
the need of appropriate literature — a need every- 
where c A and lamented. To meet the 
want, and in compliance with urgent request, he 
Manual. 
The title defines the necessary limits of the 
work It does not undertake an elaborate discus- 
hat would require a library, but aims 
simply at an outline of the tumultuous issues 
which now tax the thought and evoke the reme- 
dial energy of Christian citizens. X. less, 
an attempt has been made to conduct the treat- 
ailosophical spirit, and in the order of 
logical sequence. Part I. c >f two chapters, 
ler the caption of Cn sip ix t: tkd 
ndational. Part II. deals,; 
in two cha] Lth the modification of Ameri- 
can cit: i a- Christian Cl 

i'. Part II: :\\ citizens into the 

Arena, and, in a SU( 



Vlll PREFACE. 

cates the subjects which challenge their attention, 
together with the means whereby law and order 
may secure the victory. In the Appendix a 
mass of corroborative or illustrative material is 
grouped. A complete Index is subjoined. 

It is confidently believed that the Manual con- 
tains a suggestive discussion not elsewhere to be 
found between two covers. As a labor-saver, 
therefore, and as an indicator of what the French 
call "burning questions," and of remedial agen- 
cies, it has a value of its own. Hence it is com- 
mended to the attention of clergymen, young 
people's societies, and sociological students. 

Christian citizenship is the latest, largest, and 
most hopeful movement of the times. Its youth 
explains its lack of distinctive literature. Its 
promise is fitted at once to provoke and reward 
study. 

As Noah sent the dove from the ark to find the 
land when the deluge began to subside, so is this 
dove dismissed to flutter down upon the reapp 
ing earth under the flood of evils so long | 
valent in America. 

CARLOS MARTYN. 

Chicago, January, 1897. 



PART I. 
CITIZENSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES. 



CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



THE MALE CITIZEN. 

The word citizen has a high, historic mean- 
Riding like a king in his chariot, it comes 
n to us from the Greeks, through the Romans, 
and across the Middle Ages, resplendent with 
honor and proud with dignity. In the ancient 
civilization the citizen was a member of a haughty, 
exclusive class. Below him, and subject to him, 
stood all ot ho were outside of 

this class. Amoi Greeks admission to 

citizenship was easy at first, but difficult a 
Grecian civic life had reached a higher degree of 
organization — so difficult that in Sparta, accord- 
to Herodotus, there were only two install 
naturalization. under the Republic, 

of the people — 
like membership in a I i club. And th< 

were perfect and is. All 



12 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

private rights of citizenship belonged to citizens 
of the lower class, but the honors of the magis- 
tracy were denied them. Later, when the Caes 
ruled, citizenship in whatever form was abolished; 
and the Code of Justinian divided all persons into 
subjects and slaves. 

The Middle Ages inherited the political forms 
and names of Greece and Rome, both republican 
and monarchical. The Italian republics w 
based on aristocracy and cemented with the blood 
of historic houses. The Republic <>f Holland was 
built upon great land-holders. The Swiss repub- 
lics were little groups of cousins united by blood 
relationship. Around them loomed the colos 
monarchies of medieval Europe, with the throne 
for the sun and the nobility for the siderial 
system. All through the past the distinction 
between a citizen and a subject was this, that 
while the latter was governed, the former 
governed ; so that while a citizen might be a 
subject, many subjects were not citizens. '1 
epigram defines the difference between the ancient 
and medieval republics on one hand, and the 
monarchies on the other : those were ruled by 
citizens; these were dominated by royalty. Both 
the terms and the distinction have survived to our 
day, and find practical illustration here and 
abroad. 

The American Republic is founded, not on 



TIIK MAIJC CITIZEN. 13 

privilege, like the Greek and Roman States; not 
on lineage, like the republics of Italy in the Mid- 
dle Ages ; not on land proprietorship, like the 
Republic of Holland ; not on blood relationship, 
like the Swiss Cantons — but upon manhood. Onr 
lathers .said : " Just as a man is able to take care 
of hi ically, mentally, morally and finan- 

cially, so is he able to take care of himself politi- 
cally. ' ' They said: ' % We will build an every-day, 
working State on the basis of the average man." 
Recognizing the truth that responsibility is the 
great educator, they placed responsibility for the 
common weal on the citizens of the country. An 
American citizen is thus defined in Article XIV., 
Section 1 , of the Constitution : ' l All persons 
born or naturalized in the United States, and sub- 
ject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the 
United States, and of the State wherein they 
Me. Xo vState shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities 
of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any 
vState deprive any person of life, liberty, or prop- 
erty without due process of law, nor deny to any 
within its jurisdiction the equal protection 
of the 1 

In Arti< le XV., Section 1, the elective franchise 

made the ind e prerogative of the citizen. 

"The right of citizens of the United States to 

vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 



14 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

United States or any State on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude." 

Thus the American citizen stands before the 
world the peer of any Bourbon or Guelph, or 
Romanoff, or Hapsburg, or Hohenzollern, of 
them all. He is the heir of the liberty of the 
past, and the exponent of the liberty of the pre- 
sent — not Caesar was more sovereign than he. 

The essential principle of American citizenship 
is this, that no man and no set of men shall be 
politicaliy dependent on any oilier man or set 
men, but that each shall be armed for self-defense. 
The weapon of this self-defense is the ballot — 

a weapon firmer set 



And better than the bayonet ; 

A weapon that comes down as still 

As snowflakes fall upon the sod ; 

Yet executes a freeman's will 

As lightning does the will of God." 

Certain critics on the other side of the water, 
echoed by un-American winners here at home, 
who borrow their tone from London and Berlin, 
contend that the founders of the American C 
monwealth made a mistake in this matter of man- 
hood suffrage. Governments which rest on c 
naturally hold that opinion. Individuals among 
us, who say all men are politically equal, and are 
afraid they will be, as naturally echo it. "The 
idea," cries Mr. Purseproud, " of neutralizing my 



THK MALK CITIZEN. 15 

te by the vote of a poverty-stricken ignora- 
mus! " This sentiment is congenial to Mr. Bine- 
blood, who conies of one of the nest families — the 
best part of which, like the potato, is under ground. 

Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson knew 
the dangers which manhood suffrage would entail. 
They also knew that a State can be safe and happy 
only in proportion to the safety and happiness of 
the people. They meant by manhood suffrage to 
put wealth and culture under bonds to see to it 
that every citizen had an equal chance with every 
other. When Russian Czar, or German Kaiser, or 
British Queen looks down into the cradle of pov- 
erty and ignorance, the gaze is animated by com- 
passion. When riches and knowledge in this 
country behold the cradle of ignorance and pov- 
erty, they realize that that baby fist is one day to 
hold the ballot, and that this ballot may prove to 
be Thor's hammer, smiting to ruin interests near 
and dear to them. Not out of philanthropy, 
therefore, but inspired by the instinct of self- 
nervation, they hasten to put the Church on 
one side of that cradle, and on the other side the 
School. In America morality and education are 
not a mere i : <m of solicitude : they are pro- 

made 1 State in the interest ofs 

pre- .1. Was it not a master-stroke on the 

t of our fath< ments of the 

►nwealth that selfishnes Id impel us 



l6 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

to make the amplest provision for instruction and 
virtue? As a chain is not stronger than its 
weakest link, so a State is no better than its 
average citizen. The best way in which to 
strengthen the State is to raise the average. 

This suggests a correlate truth. Whatever en- 
dangers the Republic may be summarily dealt with 
by it. The safety of the people is the supreme 
law — Salus populi suprema est lex, as the Latin 
maxim runs. The right of the government to 
abolish special inimical traffics, such as the liqi 
trade, gambling and brothel-keeping, is denied 
by shallow thinkers. But this authority inh< 
in the right of the government to exist. Under 
democratic institutions law has no sanction s; 
the purpose and virtue of the people. A drunk- 
en people, a horde of gamblers, a constituency 
poisoned by licentiousness, can not be the basi • 
a free government. The vices can never be < 
ner-stones of righteousness, prosperity, and perpe- 
tuity. " To us," therefore, as Wendell Phillips 
has declared, "the title-deeds of whose < 
and the safety of whose lives depend upon the 
tranquillity of the streets and the morality of the 
people, the presence of any vice which brutal; 
the average citizen is a stab at the heart of the 
nation." For this reason publicists are substan- 
tially agreed that the Republic has full control 
over the whole domain of the public weal. 



nil-: mai.k CITIZEN. 17 



We do not always realize the high educational 
value of manhood suffrage. How is it possible 
to listen to a debate of great questions, " burning 
questions," as the French say, by the famous de- 
>f the land, without a broadening of the 
intelligence ? An election like that of 1S96, which 
involved free-trade and tariff, the currency, the in- 
depc oi the Supreme Court, the boundary 

line betwixt national and state rights, and a dozen 
lesser issues, was better than a thousand colleges.- 
Suffrage is the people's university. And the re- 
, of every election vindicates the truth of Talley- 
rand - that M everybody is cleverer than any- 

body." Tocqueville, in his marvellous treatise 
on M Democracy in America," with the surprising 
intuitiveness of the French mind, perceived this, 
ahead of all experiment. He affirmed that the 
ballot-box and the jury-box are the normal school 
rica. The jury-box : because the citizen 
who sits in that box to adjudicate questions which 
. his neighbor's property, or liberty, or 
ssarily becomes acquainted with the 
phrases and phases of the law. The ballot-box : 
the citizen who drops his vote there is ed- 
ucated by his sense of responsibility, and recog- 
nizes the fact that he is a court of ultimate appeal 
and final decision. 

This lifts our citizenship into un- 

usness, Any thoughtful ob- 



18 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

server who is familiar with Europe, must have 
noticed how much lower the level of conversation 
is there than it is here. There, men chatter; 
here, they talk. There, the staple of remark is 
the latest marriage, the newest scandal, the last 
fad. Here, men discuss right and wrong, public 
policies which the)' mature and settle, crops, rents, 
markets — large questions, which broaden the 
mind, and touch the essence of government and 
daily life. 

It is brought as an objection to manhood suf- 
frage that the poor and ignorant sell their vol 
There are instances of this. But in such cases 
who are the purchasers ? Oftener than otherwi 
are they not wealthy and educated men, who have 
had training, who are pushed by no sharp need, 
and who know better and might afford the lux- 
ury of a conscience? Is it any worse to sell than 
it is to buy? Shall we disfranchise the poverty 
and ignorance which do the one, and enfran- 
chise the wealth and education that do the other ? 

After all, be it noted that the dry rot of 1 
lative corruption, the rancor of party spirit, the 
tyrrany of incorporated wealth, the bad example 
of profligacy , are found oftener among the cla- 
than among the masses. As in chemistry, the 
scum floats uppermost. Carlyle once said: 4 4 Demo- 
cracy will prevail when men believe the vote of 
Judas as good as the vote of Jesus Christ." The 



THE mai.k citizen 19 

answer is that Judas was an apostle, not a mere 
church member. Always and everywhere Judas 
the classes than to the masses. 
As an objection to manhood suffrage, therefore, 
this plea falls to the ground. It flouts any form 
■ nay, it would make all government 
impossible. Corruption, whether private or pub- 
lic, whether among the rich or among the poor, is 
never to be condoned, and is always to be con- 
demned. But as an objection to manhood suf- 
frage it is equally unsound and absurd. 

On a certain memorable occasion Abraham Lin- 
coln overheard some one say : M Isn't Lincoln a 
anon-looking fellow?" His immortal reply 
' ' Evidently the Almighty must like us 
common-looking fellows, or he wouldn't have 
made so many of us." Government should be 
conducted for the greatest good of the greatest 
number. This dictum necessitates popular gov- 
ernment, and results in democracy. The the 
of the ancient 5 - that the masses were 

born saddled and bridled to be ridden, and that 
the born booted and spurred to ride. 

The lines of Robert Burns voice the theory <>!~ the 
T : 

11 For a' that, and a' th 

lire, and a' that. 
The rank is but the guinea's stamp, 
Tlie man's the gowd for a' th 



20 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Since the citizen is thus supreme in America, it 
follows that he is responsible. L ' ctat cest mot, said 
Louis XIV.—' ' I am the State. » ' What the grand 
monarque said in his pride, the American citizen 
may say in his humility — "I am the State. M 
Lord Brougham once said: "In England the 
Queen is in place ; the House of Commons is in 
power.'' In the United States, whoever is presi- 
dent, the people are in power. Hence the people 
are praiseworthy when affairs go right, and 
blameworthy when affairs go wrong. Nor can 
we abdicate the throne. Born, like other prin< 
in the purple, and called to rule by a diviner right 
than other kings, we must accept the accountabil- 
ity of power. Are there bad laws on the statute 
book ? We are to blame. We put them there, 
actively or passively. We permit them to remain 
there. Are good laws unenforced? We are in 
fault. We do not insist upon their execution. 

The indifference and preoccupation of large and 
influential sections of our citizenship is now the 
chief menace to republican institutions. Other- 
wise good men are too busy making pilgrimaj 
to the shrine of mammon, and worshiping that 
trinity of trade, the gold eagle, the silver dollar 
and the copper cent — to give thought and time to 
the functions of citizenship. The need of the 
hour is the personalizing of political duty. Here, 
as elsewhere, the word ought is the weighty word 



thi: MAU-: CITIZEN, j i 

and the final word. Power entails obligation. It 
were well for ourselves and for our country if this 
truth were perceived and acted upon by every 
American citizen. 

What a country we have to love and serve! J 1 A 
country which fulfils the exact conditions of phy- 
sical health/' as Tom Marshall, of Kentucky, 
used to say; " head lifted amid the cool breezes 
of the tonic north ; feet bathed in the tepid waters 
of the Gulf — head cool, feet warm. ' ' America is 
an epitome of the globe. It is full of nimble little 
rivers which gladly turn the turbines of mills 
before they run weary to the sea — and of majestic 
streams, which drain a continent and float the 
commerce of forty-five stalwart States. Its east- 
ern and western shores are washed by the two 
great oceans of the earth. Its soil is so fertile 
that, as Douglas Jerrold said of Australia, "you 
have but to tickle it with a hoe and it laughs with 
a harvest.'" and so diversified, that every green 
thing grows in it, from the pines of the north to 
the cotton and oranges of the south. Its bowels 
are rich with e nceivable kind of mineral 

wealth — a natural treasure-cave, awaiting but the 
open sesam lose boundless riches, beyond 

the "Arabian Nighl [ts wide area is unified by 

rail: ad telegraphic wire-, which annihilate 

time and distal .1 and San 

of all. it IS 



22 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the land of religion and of education and of free- 
dom. Such a country, such an arena — shall not 
its citizens be as pure as its breezes, as lofty as its 
mountains, and as firm for righteousness as the 
granite that underlies the continent ? 

American citizenship was bought with a [ 
price. Those dreary years of colonial preparation, 
when our forefathers stood with the cruel 
behind them and the unbroken wilderness in front 
of them, peopled with savage foes, neglected by 
the mother country, on the boundary line of civil- 
ization — a line run by the tomahawk and the 
scalping-kuife, were part of the price. The 
revolution, with Marion and Sumter marching 
and counter-marching in the south ; witli Greene 
and Gates manceuvering in the north, and with 
Washington and his army barefooted amid the 
snow r s of Valley Forge, a long and dubious and 
deadly struggle, punctuated by the "embattled 
farmers" at Concord, and by Bunker Hill, and 
Saratoga, and Eutaw Springs, and Yorktown, / 
a further instalment. And, more recently, the 
horrors of the civil war, with its unprecedented 
sacrifices of money and men, and hallowed by the 
martyrdom of Lincoln, made the sum complete. 
The citizens of the present are called of God to be 
the worthy heirs of the heroes of 1640, 1776 and 
1 86 1, and the apostles of a grander future. 



II. 



THK KKMALK CITIZEN. 



It is an anomaly in American political life that 
while the Constitution declares, as we have seen, 
that ' ' all personsbom or naturalized in the United 
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are 
citizens M ; and that M the right of citizens of the 
United States to vote shall not be denied or 
abridged by the United States or any State, 1 ' 
the female citizen is nevertheless disfranchised. 
She represents the best, and brightest, and largest 
half of our citizenship. But her sex disqualifies 
her for the exercise of the loftiest and most char- 
acteristic prerogative of the citizen. She is guilty 
of being a woman! This inconsistency is a sin- 
gular compound of injustice and absurdity. 

The right, under the Constitution, of the female 
citizen to vote is as clear as sunlight— as undeni- 
able as is the right of the male citizen. The 

soning which proves the right of the one also 
Wishes the right of the other. Confessedly, 
- intelligent as man, and more moral 
Indeed, nts the conscience side of life. 

The franchise stands in I need of re t 



24 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

ment on that side. Moreover, the female citizen 
owns and manages estates, pays taxes, sits in 
the witness stand, and goes to jail and the gal- 
lows, on occasion. She is subject to government, 
ought she not to have a voice in government? 
4 'Why will you women meddle with politic- 
asked Napoleon of Madame de Stael. "Ah! sir 
was the triumphant answer of the great French- 
woman, ''if you will hang us, we must a>k the 
reason." Rights are nothing but privileges until 
they are provided with adequate defense. F<>r 
this reason the Constitution puts the ballot in the 
hand of the citizen, and makes it the palladium 
of private and public liberty. 

The truth is, that woman has been excluded 
from the franchise at the behest of inherited | 
judices. The pagan conception was that she 
a mere adjunct of man. vShe was looked upon as 
either married or to be married. In either i 
she was nupta — hence our word nuptial — that 
is, veiled. In the Norman-English law a married 
woman was termedfemme-covert — she was covi red x 
absorbed by the husband. Medieval and modern 
law have borrowed this conception from pagan- 
ism. Woman has been viewed as a mere 
annex. Man has represented her, and abused 
and fondled her by turns, and at will. The whole 
legislation of the world is a commentary on this 
theory — woman nothing ; man everything. 



THE FEMALE CITIZEN. 25 

Whatever importance she possesses she gets 
through him. 

The woman of to-day, and especially the Amer- 
1 woman, with her enlightened ideas and freer 
aurally ed by this overweening 

male : prion and presumption. She an- 

nounces her purpose to voice her own mind and 
rd her own interests. As the means she 
claims the ballot. 

- objections to this claim are urged. 

Ir for instance, that the female citizen 

should continue to trust herself to the protection 

of the male citizen. The answer is that the 

terican principle forbids it, by declaring that 

each class shall take care of itself. 

Moreover, all history is a thunderous declara- 
tion of the folly of such a course, and proves that 
it is lik g Little Red Rid; I to trust to 

lender mercies of the wolf. In Greece, under 
a, woman was a chattel-personal, 
and to the creditor with the other hoi 

hold effects of a bankrupt father or husband. In 
Rome it was death for her to do what he 

1 to do and applauded fordoing. Through 
tlie Middle leprived of her dea 

right -Toperty, person, and mother!: 

man-made law-. There is no instance on 

record," affirm> Buckle, in of 

Civilization,"' " of any cla 



26 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

power without abusing it." And John Stuart 
Mill asserts that " there ought to be no pariahs in 
a full-grown and civilized nation ; no persons dis- 
qualified save through their default." He adds : 
" Every one is degraded, whether aware of it or 
not, when other people, without consulting him, 
take upon themselves unlimited power to regulate 
his destiny.' 1 Would any man be willing to put 
himself in the power of any other man, however 
good or great? Why should woman be asked to 
do it — woman, whose disabilities are emphasized 
by all the attractions and temptations of sex ? 

It is further objected that the female citizen is 
already virtually represented by the male citizen. 
But how? Wendell Phillips used to tell of a man 
in Massachusetts who married a girl who wa* 
worth $50,000. He died shortly afterwards and 
left her the $50,000 so long as she should remain 
his widow. What a satisfactory representative! 
And what shall be thought of a code which mal 
such an act possible ? 

When our ancestors in colonial daws protested 
against taxation without representation, England 
pleaded this same objection, that the colonies were 
virtually represented in the British parliament. 
The Patriots scouted the claim — asked how they 
were represented, when the choice of representa- 
tives was made, and insisted that all just govern- 
ment rests upon the expressed consent of the gov- 



THK FEMALH CITIZEN. 27 

enied. ' ' No such phrase as virtual representation 
is known in law or constitution/ ' cried James 
Otis, with Faneuil Hall for a platform, Boston for 
a sounding-board and the world for an audience. 
" It is altogether a subtlety and illusion, wholly 
unfounded and absurd." Woman may well 
avouch her scornful repudiation oi this claim of 
virtual representation by the example of the sons 
of liberty in '76. and the eloquence of James 
Otis. 

It is gravely asserted that the ballot is not a 
panacea. Man has it, but he has not introduced 
the millenium by means of it. If woman imagines 
that a vote will right all her wrongs, she has but 
to view the political situation to-day, the idleness, 
the poverty, the misery, among men ; the illiter- 
acy, the grinding monopoly, the municipal mis- 
rule, despite the fact that these men are voters — 
it is urged. 

The reply i^ easy. And it is that the voters 
have the remedy in their own hands. If they 
" prefer darkness rather than light because their 
deeds are evil," such a choice docs not invalidate 
the \ or misused means. Besides, if the 

men have made Midi a sad mess of it. there should 
seem to be the greater need to call in the women 
in order to revitalize the flabby franchise and save 
the Stat - t<> vote in the millen- 

ium. That must come in us by regeneration, and 



28 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

then out of us and into citizenship and the statute 
book. But that same opportunity and advantage 
which the ballot gives to one sex it should give 
to the other — the opportunity of self-expression, 
and the advantage of self-protection. 

'Tis said that woman already has influence ; 
that a vote would not increase it. The influence 
of the female eitizen is unquestionable ; but in 
politics it is hidden and unwatched. It needs 
be sobered by a sense of responsibility. Tocque- 
viile, in one of his most remarkable letters, as- 
cribes the treachery of some of the most promis- 
ing leaders of the reform movements in France 
to this powerful backstair and boudoir influence of 
wives and daughters over fathers and husbands, 
inducing them to use their position for personal 
ends or family advancement rather than in aid of 
the principle they had espoused. "Yes," cr 
the famous publicist in ending his letter, "it is 
the women of France who have wrecked some of 
our noblest movements to help the millions." 

Naturally. Woman has been trained to feel 
that wealth, ease, dress, social prestige are the 
ends of life. Why should she not prize them ? 
She has been shut out from knowledge of and par- 
ticipation in large questions which touch the 
common weal : why should she not be politically 
ignorant ? She has lived and moved and had her 
being in a world of dolls : why should she not be 



thk FEMALE CITIZEN. 29 

petty ? She has been taught to pose rather than 
to think : why should she not be artificial ? She 
has been shut up like a pet canary, in a gilded cage, 
and fed on the lump-sugar of compliment : why 
should she not be vain ? She has been trained to 
look upon a new bonnet as vastly more important 
than a new truth : why should she not be frivo- 
lous ? If an exceptional woman cares little for 
society, and thinks or writes, she is nicknamed a 
11 blue-stocking.' ' If she can neither think nor 
write, but devotes herself to dress, and dates 
time from ball to ball, she is sneered at as a 
dudine. 

The influence of woman, which is so potent that 
it makes or mars man, and ruins when it might 
save, should be directed to wide ends, and be 
made to feel and prepare for its responsibility. 

sponsibility without power is outrageous. Pow- 
er without responsibility is equally abhorrent. 

The right to vote implies the right to hold of- 
fice. This is a reason which is sometimes givjen 
for opposing female suffrage. Ceitainly, woman 
as an office-holder is no novelty. Did not Queen 
Elizabeth hold a political office ^ And has not 
Queen Victoria given her name to her age ? Ma- 
rie Therese w reat politician and a great 
ruler. Catherine, of Russia, put her stamp upon 
the empire of the North as incffaceably as did 
Peter the Great ? Even in Asia, Semiramis was 



30 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the acknowledged peer of an}' crowned head of 
any age — her figure looms colossal after thirty 
centuries. And in Greece, Aspasia was the inti- 
mate counselor of the greatest statesman Athens 
ever knew. 

Certain fearful critics are sure that if woman had 
the ballot she would leave the stockings undarned 
and the cradle unrocked, desert her home, and do 
nothing but run for office day and night and night 
and day. This is not saying much for theattr. 
iveness of her home. If man made it pleasanter 
for her, and himself frequented it more, perhaps 
she would not be so ready to leave it! Men vote. 
Do they neglect their homes? Or if they do 
it for that reason? The sailor, the mechanic, the 
merchant, the manufacturer, whose factories cover 
a township, the railroad magnate, whose system 
cobwebs the continent — all find time b > v« >te with- 
out neglecting their affairs. Would it be quite 
impossible for a housewife to leave her kitchen 
long enough to drop a ballot without overbaking 
the bread in the oven ? A bright woman of lai 
means expressed a wish to vote. ' ' Why , madam , ' ' 
exclaimed a friend, " who would take c our 

baby when you went to the polls ? M Her quick 
reply was : ' ' The same person who takes care of 
him now when I go to pay my taxes ! " 

A much more serious objection to female suf- 
frage is this, that the vote rests in the last analy- 



TilK FEMALE CITIZEN. 3 1 

sis upon force, and that it therefore presupposes 

military duty in case of need. 

The inferior position held by woman through 
the ages has been due to her interior physical 
prowess. The past was dominated by brute force. 
A man's only safety lay in the strength of his 
arm and the sharpness of his sword. By and by 
civil society was evolved. Protection was rele- 
the courts ; and armies were only mustered 
when the courts were set at naught. Every suc- 
ceeding age made brute force worth less and brain 
worth more. Eventually ballots will supersede 
bullets. Character and conscience will be domi- 
nant. This time is not yet. Meantime woman 
ir from being useless, even in war. She makes 
it possible for her husband and son to enlist by 
laid on her by their absence. 
She SU] sanitary matters in camp. Who 

walks the wards of the hospital ? Woman. Did 
Florence Nightingale illustrate the Crimean 
war equally with the Hotspurs who charged at 
Balaclava? Was not the work of Clara Barton, 
in our civil war, as vital as that of any general in 
the field? It i> history that the Confederacy 
long sustained by the heroism and sacrifices of 
the Southern women. 

A distinguished thinker emphasizes the truth 
that military service does not iting 

Whatever sustains and repairs the pi. 



32 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

cal force enlisted is as essential as the force itself. 
Thus, in view of the moral service they render, 
the law excuses clergymen from the field. In 
active service ten percent, of the army is detailed 
to serve the other ninety per cent, in various 
capacities about the camp. We recognize moral 
service as of equal value with physical even in 
war. Brute force must be ^d, clothed, housed. 
nursed, cheered, and this is the peculiar sphere of 
woman — has ever been, must ever be. Until we 
deny all this, and disfranchise clergymen and 
soldiers occupied in camp duty, because they do 
not shoulder a musket, we cannot consistently 
deny the franchise to female citizens on that 
ground. 

Some women can and do actually fight. Ask 
their husbands ! 

A bug-a-boo objection to female suffrage which 
formerly had far more terror than it has now, is 
that it is unwomanly to vote. It take^ woman from 
her "sphere." it is laughable, this masculine 
assumption to tell woman what is womanly. How 
considerate it is in the average man to map down 
the orbit and designate the " sphere n of the 
Martineaus and the De Staels, of Lady Somerset 
and Frances Willard. The test of sphere is suc- 
cess. Whatever God made man and woman able 
to do well, He meant them to do ; since lie ex- 
plicitly forbids us to wrap up our talents in a nap- 



THE FEMALE CITIZEN. 33 

kill. If millions o\ women can successfully 
engage in business, this proves that they were 
meant tor business. If they can cure diseases, 
they are fitted for medicine. If Harriet Hosmer 
can carve statues, God intended her to keep com- 
pany with Angelo and Canova. If Maria Mitchell 
can read the stars, God created her to take her 
place beside Copernicus. If Lucretia Mott can 
edify a Quaker meeting, God touched her lips for 
exhortation. If Patti can rival the angels in 
g, God commissioned her to sing. Woman's 
sphere is not to be settled by man's ideas, or by 
antiquated conventionalities, but by her own gifts 
and desr 

Unwomanly to vote? Why is it any more un- 
womanly to vote than it is to sing in public, or to 
act on the stage ? Vet woman does these things 
unrebuke'i. Nay, many people pay a high price 
to hear the singer or see the actress, 
who are In »rrified at the thought of listening to a 
female citizen speak on the platform, or permit- 
ting her to vote at an election. Indelicate for 
woman to go to the polls ? Who would she see 
there? Men ! Well, she sees them now, occa- 
sionally. Walk up and down the streets ; there 
are as many women as men afoot. Enter a place 
of amusement ; the sexes are seated side by side. 
Get into a Street car : the belle and beau are again 
side by sid en in church, woman faces male 



34 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

saints and sinners at every turn. Those who 
esteem it unwomanly to vote belong to the century 
of Tamerlane and Timour the Tartar, or to China, 
where woman's feet are distorted so that she can- 
not stray out of her u sf>here." 

Many women stoutly insist that they do not 
w r ant to vote. Then they need not go to the polls. 
Some do desire to vote. The indifference of some 
should not abridge the right of even one. We are 
not to withhold from the female citizen the most 
precious and essential prerogative of citizenship 
until she demands it. ki When natural rights, or 
the means of their defense, have been immemori- 
ally denied to a whole sex/' remarks Geo. Wm. 
Curtis, ''when this sex has been inunemorially 
laught that it would be indelicate to claim or ex- 
ercise these rights, does justice or good sense re- 
quire that they should be called upon to v< >te upon 
their own elevation to perfect citizenship? It 
might as well be said that Jack, the Giant-Killer^ 
ought to have gravely asked the captives in the 
ogre's dungeon whether they wished to be free. 
It must be assumed that women as well as men 
wish to enjoy their natural rights — as we assume 
that the lungs wish air and the eyes crave light. 
Did the government wait until the slaves peti- 
tioned for freedom before emancipating them? 
Or, when, in the State, thousands of boys reach 
the age of twenty-one, are they required to assure 






Tin-: FEMALE CITIZEN, 35 

the register that they wish to vote before being 
allowed to take the oath ? M When a number of 
lads are met on the streets, is it customary to say 
to them : " You poor little ignoramuses, would 
you like a free school system ? ' ' The State estab- 
lished schools before dunces asked for them. 

Women must be taught to want the ballot — 
precisely as they have been taught not to want it. 
Their stake in the commonwealth is as great as 
man's. The evils which afflict the body politic 
one sex is as much interested in remedying as the 
other is — for they bear upon the female more 
sharply than on the male. It has been aptly said 
that "we lose half our resources when we shut 
citizens of the female sex out from the influences 
which minister to civic growth and health. God 
gives us the entire race, with its varied endow- 
ments, equal yet different, man and woman ; one 
the complement of the other, on which to base 
civilization. We mutilate ourselves by using, in 
civil affairs, only half the race — only one sex." 

True, woman at the ballot-box is an innovation. 
But then all history, and daily life, are made Up of 
innovations. Progress is a splendid panorama of 
innovations. The Pope pronounced the right of 
private judgment in religion a heretical innova- 
tion. The downfall of feudalism was an innova- 
tion. G [II. was confident that the freedom 
of the] erous innovation ; and that 



36 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the claims of James Otis, Sam Adams and the 
sons of liberty were treasonable innovations. 
Aristocratic Europe sneered that manhood suf- 
frage was a heaven-defying innovation. When 
Sir Samuel Romilly proposed to abolish the death 
penalty for stealing a lady's handkerchief, the law- 
officers of the crown contended that it would up- 
set the whole criminal code of England. On the 
passage of the bill abolishing the slave trade, in 
the House of Lords, Lord St. Vincent rose and 
stalked out of the chamber, declaring that he 
washed his hands ( f the ruin of the British Em 
pire. Co-education is an innovation. Female 
writers and readers are an innovation — the clas- 
sics knew nothing of such " monstrosities ;" which 
explains why they are so indecent. Every new- 
invention is an innovation — the steamship, the 
railroad, the telegraph, the telephone, the X-ray, 
the typewriter and the bicycle. Yet the world 
stands. Nay, life is broader, sweeter, wiser, hap- 
pier than in those ''good old days" of which 
poets sing, but are glad they did not live in. 
America was clearly intended to be a disturber of 
somnolent traditions, and to leave nobler prece- 
dents than she found. 

However desirable the presence of the female 
citizen may be in the civic arena, it is solemnly 
asserted that the Bible forbids her to enter it. It 
is contended that there are no scriptural prece- 



THE FKMAI.K CITIZEN. 37 

dents : no ecclesiastical legislation in that direc- 
tion ; or, if there is any, it is prohibitory. This 
IS a grave charge. If it were true it would be 
embarrassing, distressing, fatal to all believers in 
Holy Writ. Is it true ? Let us see. 

Are there not the same scriptural warrants for 
this change that there are for other changes in 
other directions ? The Bible is a comparatively 
small volume. It were absurd to expect to find 
in it explicit injunctions covering the multitudi- 
nous and multifarious life of all the ages. No 
more can be looked for than a simple enunciation 
of comprehensive principles, with illustrative ex- 
amples. These, when discovered, are in the 
nature of positive legislation. There is no direct 
prohibition of slavery in the New Testament. 
Nevertheless, the whole genius of the Gospel is 
against it : and just as far and just as fast as the 
Gospel has prevailed, slavery has been abolished. 
The New Testament nowhere commands the 
replacing of the Hebrew vSabbath by the Lord's 
Day. Yet the practice of the Apostles, and of 
the primitive church, suffices to convince Christ- 
endom that the substitution is Biblical. 

Precisely so with regard to the larger life and 
public position of woman to-day. St. Paul him- 
self — who is always ({noted as on the other side 
of this question — enunciates a principle which 
amounts to an enactment. In the Epistle to the 



$8 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Galatians — iii : 18 — he says: " There is neither 
Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, 
there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one 
in Christ Jesus. ' ' Here, for ethical and spiritual 
purposes, he strikes out of the dictionary the 
words barbarian, slave, and woman. With regard 
to woman, the sexual relation stands on the phy- 
sical side, of course ; but on the moral side it is 
abolished. Woman is H one " with man. 

Such is the principle. What was the illustra- 
tive practice? In the First Epistle to the Corin- 
thians — xi : 4, 5 — vSt. Paul says : " Every man 
praying or prophesying with his head covered 
dishonoreth his head. But every woman that 
prayeth or prophesieth with her head uncovered 
dishonoreth her head." Here is a plain cas 111 
point. Woman might pray or prophesy in pub- 
lic. Her right to do so is recognized. Only with 
woman, as with man, there is a regulation of the 
right. The woman must exercise her right with 
her head covered ; the man with his head uncov- 
ered. Why ? Because the social habit and cus- 
tom of that age and country made those respective 
postures seemly and worshipful. The mandate 
was based on social rather than moral reasons. 
The Apostle wished to have believers, unpopular 
enough at best, avoid unnecessary scandal. But, 
incontrovertibly, there must have been a large 
exercise by woman of her right to pray and pro- 



THE FEMALE CITIZEN. 39 

phesy in public, in order to call for this regulation 
of it. 

What was this gift ot prophecy which woman 
might exercise in the prescribed manner? It was 
the second office in importance in the Christian 
Church. In the First Epistle to the Corinthians 
St. Paul says — xii : 28 — "And God hath set some 
in the church, first apostles, secondarily prophets, 
thirdly teachers, " etc. Elsewhere — viz., in 1 Co- 
rinthians, xiv : 1 — he puts prophecy first among 
spiritual gifts. Now, the prophet was one whose 
function it was to unfold the counsels of God to 
men as contained in the way of salvation through 
Christ — see Acts xiii : 1, 2. This necessitated 
publicity; for how could the counsels of God be 
unfolded unless men were addressed ? 

Accordingly, we find the prophetesses of the 
Old Testament exercising their gift in public. 
Deborah was a judge. Pray, how could a judge 
act officially in private ? The very office com- 
pels publicity. Like a judge in our time, Debo- 
rah subpoenaed this and that man to appear before 
her. Even Barak sat at her feet. More than 
this. She left home and went away to camp with 
that rough soldier. In the book of Judges we 
d — iv : 9, 10 — "And Deborah arose and went 
with Barak to Kedesh." S if we turn back to 

xv — we find, first, an account of the 

Song of Moses, public and formal: and then, fob 



40 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

lowing it, the Song of Miriam, apparently equally 
public and formal. 

St. Paul's injunction that M women keep silence 
in the churches' ' — i Corinthians, xiv: 34 — is cited 
as settling the question of female participation in 
public religious services. Well, if this is the 
meaning of the passage, it is not now, and has 
never been, observed. In the Episcopal churches 
women join with men in the responses. Is this 
keeping silence? In all the churches women sing 
in the choirs. Is this keeping silence? If that 
injunction means what it is claimed to mean, then 
it must be obeyed literally — not broken in the 
matter of the public responses and sacred songs, 
and kept only in prayer and exhortation. The 
better view is that this was a local direction, in- 
tended to restrain incompetent women from public 
religious chatter, involving false doctrine and 
scandal ; and not a command binding upon a 
whole sex through all time. Scripture is to be in- 
terpreted in harmony with Scripture. This inter- 
pretation harmonizes this passage with those other 
passages to which reference has been made, which 
teach the doctrine held and practised in our daw 

'Tis said that woman loses her modesty in pub- 
lic life. This is not to be settled by opinion but by 
the facts. Are there any women more austerely 
modest than the Quaker women ? Yet among the 
Friends the majority of the preachers are women. 



THK FEMALE CITIZEN. 41 

Iii the prayer meetings ot the two more numer- 
ous of the Protestant denominations, the Metho- 
dists and the Baptists, the women have long taken 
part. Are these godly women immodest ? Among 
the young people of the Christian Endeavor Soei- 
ties, the Epworth Leagues and the Baptist Unions, 
women take their turn with men in leading the 
meetings ; and their pledge obliges them to take 
some part other than in song. Are they im- 
modest ? 

Xow, if in the scriptural interpretation and prac- 
tise of this age and land, women may and do par- 
ticipate in religious services, is it not rather late to 
affirm that the Bible excludes them from voting ? 
If they are orthodox in praying and exhorting, 
they will be equally orthodox at the primary and 
ballot-box. 

The right of the female citizen to the elective 
franchise in the United States is beyond contro- 
versy. Presently she will assume and exercise 
this right. She is sadly needed in politics. Her 
presence will do there what it has already done in 
religion, education, literature, and business — 
.-eten and purify the springs of American sov- 
ereignty. God made man and woman to go 
together and stay together ; in the family, and 
also in the church and in the State. And it is 
Jcmis himself who " What therefore God 

hath joined together, let not man put asunder.'' ' 



42 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Her enfranchisement would result in Words- 
worth's ideal : — 

"A creature not too bright or good 

For human nature" s daily food — 

For transient sorrows, simple wile 

Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears and smiles: 

A perfeel woman, nobly planned. 

To warn, to comfort and command ; 

And yet a spirit still, and bright 

With something of an angel light/' 



PART II. 

CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



WHY CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP? 

Some object to the adjective Christian in con- 
nection with citizenship, as though there were 
hidden in it a menace of union between Church 
and State — that incestuous wedlock in which 
have been begotten the worst crimes that have be- 
deviled history. Others consider that good citizen- 
ship is a preferable expression, because the prefix 
Christian gives a common prerogative a sectarian 
aspect. If either of these objections were valid, 
it would be fatal. Americans do not believe in a 
union of Church and State, and are justly sus- 
picious of any project which even squints towards 
it. Nor would they consent to narrow citizenship 

i sectarianism. 
While sharing these views, we nevertheless 
plead for Christian citizenship. The adjective 

- not ma.sk any purpose to perform a midnight 
marriage between Church and State. Xor is it 
conceded that the term good is preferable to Chris- 
tian as a distinguisher of the best type of citizen 
ship. Good is relative, Christian is positive. 

id needs an interpretation. Christian is self- 

4: 



46 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

explanatory. Good. is a chameleon, taking color 
from environment. Christian looks and speaks 
and acts alike, always and everywhere — the 
word, that is, not the individual who assumes it. 
A jockey, a gambler, a libertine, maybe M a good 
fellow" in the parlance of his cronies, and is 
often called so. Every retailer of liqnor must be 
endorsed as good before he can secure a license to 
sell his liquid damnation. Could Christian be 
prostituted to such uses ? 

This aside, a man may be a really good father, a 
good husband, a good friend, a good neighbor, a 
good merchant, without being a Christian. So 
may he be a really good citizen without being 
Christian. But we cherish ideals which are dis- 
tinctively and aggressively Christian. As a 
father, or husband, or friend, or neighbor, or 
merchant is idealized by filling these relations in 
the spirit of Christ, so a citizen is perfected by ani- 
mating his citizenship with Christian motives and 
purposes. Why choose a lower adjective when 
the highest may be had ? 

America needs not only righteousness, but that 
form of righteousness which is Christian. The 
golden rule should be the working rule of politics. 
The hopes of the founders of empire in this west- 
ern world are to be realized. The continent 
belongs to Christ by discover)-. When Columbus 
lifted the veil of waters from the sleeping face of 



WHY CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP ? 47 

the virgin hemisphere, he did it as an act of faith. 

When the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock, 
they marked the sign of the cross in the December 
snow. When the Catholics pre-empted Mankind, 
they, too, stamped the symbol of religion on the 
soil. God himself has claimed the continent. 
Among the Rockies loom> a giant called the 
M Mountain of the Holy Cross ; M and so named 
because two immense fissures, one perpendicular, 
the other horizontal, both filled with snow, form 
a natural cross, as tho the Almighty held it up in 
token of eternal ownership. 

Our country was cradled in prayer. It was 
baptized in faith. Our colonial period passed 
under Christian guidance. The national era 
opened with the benediction of Christian sages, 
such as Washington, and Jay, and Henry. Chief 
Justice Marshall, Daniel Webster, and our earlier 
jurists, claimed, without dispute, that the Repub- 
lic was Christian in its fundamental law. And 
Christianity has advertised itself in the homes, 
the habits, the expressions, the institutions, the 
jurisprudence, the very character of the American 
pie. In recent years, and as the result of 
imported, alien influences, America has been 
measurably un-Christianized, so that it needs to 
be evangelized anew. But in the very patrimony 
of Jesus Christ shall we be ashamed or afraid to 
k of Christian citizenship? 



48 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

The perils which now confront the nation are 
precisely those which should be met, and can only 
be successfully met, by citizens who possess, and 
are possessed by, the spirit of Christ. Our Bible, 
the magna charta of civil and religious liberty, 
has been already driven out of the public schools. 
and is assailed in its place in the courts of law. 
Our Sabbath is widely profaned and notoriously 
secularized. In Mohammedan lands the Moslem 
says: ll Great is Allah ; and Mohammed is his 
prophet." In American communities the politi- 
cians shout : 4k Great is the Boodler : and Boodle 
is his profit" — and believe it, too. Tricksters 
are plotting night and day, across the continent, 
to juggle our Christian form of government i nto a 
corrupt, heathenish satrapy, ruled by the organ- 
ized and allied vices, whose headquarters are in 
the grog shops, whose houris are the tenants of 
Cyprian chambers, and whose tax-collectors are 
the proprietors of gambling dens. The citizen- 
ship which grapples with ignorance and drunken- 
ness, with harlotry and faro-banking, with " bos- 
ses" and boodlers, with political selfishness and 
moral obliquity, with anarchy and atheism, must 
be more than good — it must be avowedly and 
actively Ckristia n . 
f Lovers of their country rejoice in the present 
/ revival of Christian patriotism. It may well be 
hailed as the most hopeful sign of the times that 






WHY CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP ? 49 

preoccupation and indifference have been quick- 
ened into conscious political responsibility and 

conscientious interest; and that Christian young 
men, who now vote, and Christian young women 
who will soon vote, are taking' an intelligent and 
aggressive part in public affairs. 

We exhort the gathering clans of righteousness 
to acquit themselves as Christian citizens are bound 
to do. Let them arm themselves with the same 
puissant influence which has entered commerce 
and made it an agent of Jesus Christ; which has 
gone into literature and purged it of its old inde- 
cencies; which has directed the chisel of the 
sculptor, and made the white marble embody a 
whiter conception; which has mixed the colors on 
the palette, endowed the canvas with perpetual 
power to refine and elevate, and made Titian and 
Murillo and Raphael evangelists of art ; and which 
has dictated five constitutions to despotic govern- 
ments, and marshalled the jubilant forces of legis- 
lation on behalf of liberty and man. 

Inspired by these examples. Christian citizens 
should lift the cross above the ballot-box, and by 
this sign conquer. 



II. 



POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY OP CHRISTIAN 
VOTERS. 

Responsibility is measured by power. Has 
American Christianity the means at its command 
to conquer the many-headed, many-handed, arro- 
gant iniquity which confronts it and challenges it 
to battle? Wrapped up in this question is the 
hope of the patriot, the future life of the republic. 
"What king," asks Jesus, M going to make war 
against another king, sitteth not down first, and 
consulteth whether he be abl< It behooves 

Christian citizens carefully to inspect their camp 
and review their forces. True, we have God on 
our side, and one with God is a majority. The 
hiding of our strength is in Him: " Not by might, 
nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the Lord of 
Hosts." Yet God works through human instru- 
mentality. What He has given us the ability to 
do for ourselves He will not do for us. Hence the 
question recurs: Have we the power? If we 
have not, we can push off the responsibility upon 
God. If we have, we must bear it, in reliance on 
His cooperation. 

The most wonderful romance of modern times 

50 



POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY. 51 

is the last census of the United States. And its 
nu>st striking chapter is that which records the 
religious statistics (A the country. Study these 

in the light of a series of contrasts. 

In 1783 Great Britain acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of the United States, and ceded to the 
infant republic 815,615 square miles — a territory 

which stretched from the Atlantic to the Missis 
sippi : although our population of 3,000,000, in 
the words of the historian, actually li inhabited a 
narrow track of towns and hamlets extending, 
with many breaks, from Maine to Georgia, while 
50 miles back from the shore line the country was 
an unbroken jungle." In 1890 our flag covered 
^3,609 square miles ; forming, according to 
Mr. Gladstone, M a natural basis for the greatest 
continuous empire ever established by man." 
When the Louisiana purchase was made of Napo- 
leon in 1803, Robert Livingston told the French 
emperor that "we would not send a settler 
across the Mississippi for 100 years.'' The cen- 
tury is still running, and so is the center of popu- 
lation, which is now on the border of the Father 
of WaU 

The house of prayer was here earlier than the 
court of law; the clergyman sooner than the 
magistrate ; the colporteur before the constable. 
And this precedency has far on: >wth 

of f • ") population has in- 



52 CHRISTIAN' CITIZENSHIP. 

creased twelve-fold ; evangelical church member- 
ship has increased thirty-nine fold. Since 1850, 
population has increased 116 per cent. ; Protes- 
tantism, 185 per cent.; Protestant churches, 125 
per cent.; Protestant ministers, 173 per cent. 
Since the century began, Roman Catholics have 
risen from 100,000, to 6,257,871 in 1890. Since 
1850, the increase of Romanism lias been 294 per 
cent.; of Romish churches, 447 percent.; and of 
priests, 391 per cent. — the result of wholesale im- 
migration. :< The last census returns a total church 
membership of 20,612,806, in a total population 
of 62,622,250.' Stupendous as these figui 
they do not disclose the whole truth. For there 
were 15,000,000 in 1890 under 10 years of aj 
Deduct these from 63,000,000 (in round numbc 
and the remainder is 48,000, 000. Communicants 
are above the a^ r e of ten ; and hence the church 
membership must embrace over 40 per cent, of 
the population. Nor is this all. In order 
estimate the numerical sovereignty of religion, 
with a view to the discovery of those who are 
with but not of Israel, who attend divine servi 
and constitute the parishes, it is customary to 
multiply the communicants by 2, 2 1 -, or even 3 
— as is the Methodist method. Adopt the lowest 
multiple. Twice 20,612,806 is 41,225,612; which 
is the numerical power of Christianity in the 
United States, in a total population of 48,000,000 



POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY. 53 

over ten years old. It is within the truth to 
say that there are not more than 5,000,000 people 
in the nation who have no connection, direct or 
indirect, with any church. In other words, almost 

every other person above the age of ten is a com- 
municant, while seven-eights of the people are in 
touch and sympathy with one or another form of 
Christian ritual. This is unprecedented. It shows 
that among us every day is a day of Pentecost. 4 

At the beginning of the century there were 
5^5.000 evangelical church members. In 1890 
there were nearly 14,000,000. It is impossible to 
e>timate the wealth of those pioneers of faith. 
But we know that their successors to-day are 
worth thirteen billions — one-fourth of the whole 
national wealth. And these religious Monte Chris- 
tos are growing richer every day. After paying 
their living expenses and benevolences, they lay 
up every year 5435,000,000. These figures make 
the Sio,ooo,ooo contributed by them to home and 
foreign missions seem rather niggardly ; "hut they 
are built on rock-bed. 

Christian citizens have not only overwhelming 
numbers and swelling wealth ; they also possess 
the means and fruits of intelligence. Ninety years 
ago there were 12 denominational and S undenom- 
inational colleges in the United States. To-day 
there are more than 300 of the former, and nearly 
')f the latter — and most of the whole number 



54 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

were founded and have been sustained by Chris- 
tian money. Of undergraduates, four-fifths are 
in Christian colleges ; and of these 80 per cent, are 
in institutions conducted under evangelical in- 
fluence. 

The activities of evangelism have been amaz- 
ingly multiplied and organized. Whatever Chris- 
tians desire to do they can now accomplish through 
one or other of a hundred auxiliaries. The entire 
encyclopedia has been covered. Within the last 
few decades there have sprung into existence 
societies denominational, inter-denominational and 
undenominational ; societies legislative, and phil- 
anthropic ; societies for young folks and men and 
women ; societies in behalf of special classes — 
prisoners, sailors, freedmen, Jews, Indians; 
societies aimed at special sins — anti-slavery, 
anti-lottery, anti-dueling, anti-cruelty ; societies 
to meet special wants — to build churches, aid 
students, support the aged ; city and state and 
home and foreign missionary societies ; education 
and publication societies ; tract, Bible and Sunday- 
school societies ; academies, lyceums, colic 
and theological seminaries ; ribbon clubs, Kir 
Daughters; Societies of Christian Endeavor, Ep- 
worth Leagues, Baptist Young People's Unions ; 
Christian Temperance Unions, Salvation Armies, 
Young Men's and Young Women's Christian As- 
sociations, Christian Citizenship Leagues; Evan- 



POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY. 55 

gelical Alliances ; chapters, circles, bauds, guilds, 
university settlements ; — every imaginable kind 
of special agency for every kind of special work, 
to meet the liking of every kind of special work- 
men. And these multitudinous and multifarious 
auxiliaries are all operated by Christians in the 
name and spirit o\ Jesus Christ. Does it not read 
like a chapter out of Munchausen f Yet the record 
is true. 

There can be, therefore, no question as to the 
ability of Christian citizens to do anything, every- 
thing they are really resolved to do. They have 
the numbers, the wealth, the education, and the 
ncies. The community concedes to them 
moral leadership, and looks to them for initiative, 
and they are hallowed with prestige. If respon- 
sibility is measured by power, then the responsi- 
bility of the Christian citizens of America is wide 
as the continent, deep as its needs, high as its 
aspirations, solemn as the judgment day. There 
5,000,000 voters who are church members. 
These are reinforced by 4,000,000 more, who arc 
Christians by birth, association, sympathy. They 
must and they do bear the responsibility for what 

ind what should be, before God and at the bar 
of public opinion. 

Let the old day end when Christians divorced 
their citizenship from their religion. Let the 
new day dawn when Christians shall recognize 



56 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the truth that their citizenship is as much under 
the law of Christ as their church-membership is ; 
and that in America the primary and the ballot- 
box are as sacred as the prayer-meeting and the 
altar. 

In succeeding chapters we shall point out the 
arena, and show where and how Christian citizens 
should act. 



PART III. 



THE ARENA 



PRIMARY AND BALLOT-BOX. 

WHEN the Christian citizen enters the arena of 
political duty, he straightway finds himself face 
to face with two agencies which are fundamental 
in our system, viz.: the primary and the ballot- 
box. 

What is a primary ? It is a ward, or precinct, 
or town meeting of citizens belonging to the party 
calling it, at which the first steps are taken to- 
ward the nomination of various candidates for 
political office. By whom is it called ? By the 
local party managing committee, which fixes the 
hour and place. How is it composed ? Nominally, 
all citizens of the party in the primary district are 
constituents ; in fact, it is made up only of 
those who attend it. Since it is for the interests 
of the party managers to keep the numbers small 
and manageable, the time and place of meeting 
are seldom published, only those being notified 
who are subservient. Should others appear, they 
are ejected on some plausible pretext of partizan 
irregularity, absence of name from the check list 
— which is presumed to all names of 

eligible person.^ — or as chronic l< kicke- 

What are the functions of the primary 



6o CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

representatives are elected to the municipal coun- 
cil — if it be held in a city — or selectmen are cho- 
sen — if it be in a rural district; local party man- 
agers or committees are selected ; and delegates 
are eledled to forthcoming assembly, or senatorial, 
or judicial, or city, or state conventions, called to 
nominate candidates for the offices respectively in- 
dicated by these titles. In brief, the primary is 
precisely what the name denotes — the starting 
point of the entire political machinery of repub- 
lican government. So-called higher assemblies 
simply register in a formal, official way, what the 
star-chamber which controls the primary may de- 
cide upon. 

This explains the eagerness of professional poli- 
ticians to dominate it. And the fact of this 
domination accounts for most of the political evils 
which flourish among us — the permanency of 
11 bosses," the chronic presence of "boodle" 
aldermen in municipal councils, the quartering of 
officers, whose virtue is loose, in city halls, the 
gift for private consideration of valuable public 
franchises to bloated monopolies, the transforma- 
tion of offices in the civil service from public 
trusts into party spoils, unfair taxation, and the 
reign of the saloon, the brothel, and the gambling 
hell. 

Trace it a little further. Take an instance from 
city politics. The bosses manipulate the pri- 



PRIMARY AND KAI.I.OT-HOX . 6 1 

mary, while we hurrah for government of the peo- 
ple, by the people, and for the people! When the 
city convention meets, the nominations agreed 
upon by the bosses are "put through" by the 

delegates sent up from the primaries with that 
understanding. There is no deliberation. Every- 
thing is cut and dried. Like the figure in a con- 
fectioner's window which seems to turn the crank 
in grinding chocolate, hut which is really itself 
turned by the crank, — so the convention seems to 
work, but is really itself 4 w worked. ' ' After a per- 
functory ratification of the will of the bosses, the 
convention adjourns. Hurrah for government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people! 
Next comes the election. The w T orkers hurry 
here and scurry there to get out the voters. The 
polls are closed. At the proper time the new city 
officers are installed. Then comes the merriest, 
maddest day of all — the day when the offices are 
distributed ; also according to a prearranged plan. 
And the powers that be wink and smile and shout, 
4 'Hurrah for government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people! We are the people. 
/: pluribus unutn. Erin go bragh ! ' ' 

It is thus evident that the primary contains the 
promise and potency of the entire political system 
in America. Those who control it dominate every - 
thing that proceeds from it, as the cause condi- 
tions the result. 



62 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Civic reform must begin at the primary. There 
is no decent reason why Christian citizens, aided 
by good citizens, should not garrison this Gibral- 
tar. It will take time. But free institutions pre- 
suppose that citizens will take time. It calls for 
vigilance. But it is a saying as old as Demos- 
thenes, that vigilance is the price of liberty — 
eternal vigilance. Citizens who refuse to exen 
vigilance, should accept their slavery without a 
murmur. Citizens who will not take time should 
emigrate to Russia, where the Czar relieves his 
subjects of political responsibility. It is certain 
that if we do not hold the primary for good gov- 
ernment, those who are patriots for revenue only, 
and whose version of the golden rule is, M Do 
others, or others will do yoti," — will continue 
to hold it for bad government. 

The primary is a means to an end. This end 
is the ballot-box. What goes in at the hoppei 
the primary, in case of party success, comes out 
in the trough of the ballot-box. The pro< 
needs guarding at both ends. But citizens who 
neglect the one are apt to slight the other. Hence, 
as nine voters out of every ten never go to a pri- 
mary, so four voters out of every twelve never go 
to the ballot-box. 

These absentees represent the best class — men 
of means, education, and social standing. They 
profess to be disgusted with politics, yet do not be- 



PRIMARY AND r>ALU>T-BOX. 63 

stir themselves to remedy the evils of which they 
complain. The primary and the ballot-box arc 
thus given over into the hands of men who make 

their living by politics, who, while wearing a party 
collar, trade in votes as tradesmen do in merchan- 
dise, and in moments of frankness confess that 
M there's no politics in politics M — it is business. 

Out of this neglect on the part of the natu- 
ral leaders of the community is evolved the 1 
and boodling. Some broad-shouldered, hard- 
knuckled rogue who is more adroit than the rest 
of the "boys," who "toils not neither does he 
spin," whose shirt-front is decorated by a dia- 
mond big enough for the headlight of a locomotive, 
and whose fingers are manacled with rings — man- 
acles which ought to be worn on the wrists — is 
presently recognized as a boss. A number of local 

sses get together and make a " combine," by 
pooling their interests for the purpose of filling as 
many offices as possible with their adherents, and 
thus controlling the municipality, or county, or 
state. This combination is called a " ring." In 
the ring there is usually a boss who is more skill- 
ful and influential than the rest. By and by he 
ands into a boss of the bosses. We have a 
Tweed, a MeManes, a Croker, a Hopkins, a Cox, 
in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and Cincin- 
nati ; and a Gorman, a Quay, an Altgeld, and a 
Piatt in the wider arena of state and nation. 



64 CHRISTIAN' CITIZENSHIP. 

We must not conclude that these men are excep- 
tionally bad. They are not. But seeing a door 
leading to wealth and power, left wide open by 
public neglect and indifference, they have walked 
in and made themselves at home. We must turn 
them out, and lock them out — and lock them 
up. 

In view of the situation, is it any wonder that 
elections are often farces ? Ballot-boxes in chai 
of thugs, guarded by policemen who club the in- 
nocent and protect the guilty, and count in or 
count out candidates, not according to the num- 
ber of votes cast, but in obedience to the order- 
the bosses, have ceased to be the palladium of 
liberty, and have become a Punch and Judy show 
of political sharpers. Yet the ballot-box is the 
ark of American freedom. Whoever lays an un- 
hallowed hand upon it deserves to be smitten by 
the thunder bolt of enraged patriotism. 

The sources of ring revenue are numerous and 
lucrative. There are, to begin with, the regular 
party contributions of partizans ; next, the special 
payments of men looking for a job ; then the per- 
centage money of office-holders ; then the sums 
"contributed" by wealthy contractors in expec- 
tation of fat contracts ; then the amounts paid by 
monopolists for monopolies ; and above all the 
enormous sums levied on the vices for ' ' protec- 
tion" or immunity. Bonaparte said "a tax on 



PRIMARY AND BAIXOT-BOX. 65 

alcohol would yield more revenue than a tax on 
Bibles/' The experience of the ring proves it. 
Its members waste a fortune on a ball and hang 
up the salary of a judge in a chandelier. When 
they are short of funds they replenish by a new 
application of the political rule of three, viz. : sub- 
traction, division and silence. 

Controlling the primary and the ballot-box, the 
bosses also control the voters — or at least enough 
of them to retain their supremacy. For instance, 
they have the backing of the k ' regular ' ' vote, and 
of the purchasable vote, and of the vote of the 
vices, and also of those in offices which they have 
filled, and of those who want to get in ; a compact 
political army, disciplined, organized, skillfully 
led, and accustomed to victory. 

The es>ential point of all this is the need on the 

part of Christian citizens of going into politics and 

of staying there. The Nathan of patriotism traces 

the prevalent political corruption back to every 

voter who i^ derelict, and saws to him, 4 ' Thou art 

the man. " When the primary and the prayer- 

meeting are held on the same night, the true 

prayer-meeting is the primary. When election 

day dawns, the Christian citizen is to recognize it 

'he Sabbath of patriotism, and to hear and heed 

the Commandment: M Remember the Sabbath 

to keep it holy. A bad citizen can not be a 

d Christian. In a land of liberty the sons of 



66 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

freedom are bound to subordinate personal and 
selfish interests to the common weal. Since Chris- 
tians have the power to rule, they must, as our 
Methodist brethren say, k l get religion' ' enough to 
lead them to the primary and the ballot-box, where, 
and where alone, their dominancy can be secured. 
The prostitution of these agencies of government 
is the first great cause of harm and mischief to 
the commonwealth. Their restoration to normal 
uses must be the first great remedy. 



II. 

THK CIVIL SERVICE. 

We have seen how the primary and the ballot- 
box have been seized by ' ' lewd fellows of the leaser 
sort ' ' and bent to unpatriotic ends. The civil ser- 
vice, municipal, state, and national, has been in 
like manner wrested from legitimate to illegiti- 
mate uses — a second cause of continental misrule. 
A brief recital of the facts in the case will show 
how and why. 

What is a town ? It is a civic corporation, of 
which all the citizens are members, and in which 
all have a proprietary interest. If the corporation 
is well managed, all gain ; if it is badly managed, 
all lose. The objects for which this corporation 
exists should dictate its government. What are 
these objects ? They are the preservation of order, 
the enforcement of law, the providing of element- 
ary education, the securing of sanitation; in brief, 
the safe-guarding of life, liberty, and property. 
These are ends which concern all, and to secure 
which all should combine. 

Now. the citizens of a (<>>mopolitan town are of 
every race, creed, calling, and party. These dif- 
ferences have their appropriate spheres. Whether 

'7 



68 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

a man is an American or a foreigner is a fair in- 
quiry, for example, when membership in a society 
based on nationality is under consideration. 
Whether a man is a Protestant or a Catholic, is a 
fact to be ascertained when the question is one of 
church preferment. Whether a man is a clergy- 
man or a layman is relevant when fitness for a 
business or for an ecclesiastical position is in de- 
bate. Whether a man is a Republican or a 
Democrat, is important, when one or the other 
political party proposes to nominate or elect a con- 
gressional candidate. 

But has polities any more connection with the 
mayoralty than with the directorship of a bank ? 
What has the tariff to do with an inspectorship of 
buildings? What has free trade to do with a com 
missionership of public parks? What has the 
ratio of sixteen-to-one in the coinage of silver as 
compared with gold, to do with the office of cor 
poration counsel ? Is there any more relation be- 
tween the Republican or the Democratic platform 
and the board of aldermen, than there is between 
such a platform and the selection by a railroad 
company of a conductor ? 

What has creed to do with municipal office ? 
Why should all of our policemen be Irishmen — 
preaching home rule for Ireland and practising 
foreign rule in America ? Is there any good rea- 
son why a native should be put at a disadvantage 



THE CIVIL SERVICE. 69 

by his race or his creed in his own country? 

Ought not citizenship to be the true qualification 
tor interest and participation in city affairs ? And 
IS not fitness the only proper qualification for mu- 
nicipal office ? To ask these questions is to answer 
them. To argue them is like debating axioms. 
Vet such is the absurd and intolerable situation, 
that the questions and the argument are alike 
necessary . 

"Ah," cries an objector, "such reasoning 
would disallow politics everywhere." Not so. 
Politics is legitimate in national affairs ; because 
the national policy is to be discussed and decided. 
Those officers whose functions require them to 
manipulate statecraft, ought to be nominated and 
elected on party lines, since government in a free 
country is by part}-. But even an election which 
turns on party issues, should put in or out only 
the superior officers who shape and dominate 
national policy, leaving untouched inferior officers 
whose duties are merely routine. This rule is 
recognized in the civil service of England, Ger- 
many, and Prance, where only the heads of depart- 
ments are changed by a party victory, while the 
subalterns hold by the tenure of good behavior 
and efficiency. 

So it was in the United States at the start. 

[t is true that the constitution vests the right 
ppointing to federal offices in the President, 



70 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

and requires the consent of the Senate only to the 
more important positions. It is a facft that this 
clause also gives to the President a presumptive 
power of removal at pleasure and without cause 
assigned. But it is equally unquestionable that 
the earlier Presidents considered the tenure as 
being during good behavior. 

When Washington began his administration, 
he said to a friend who importuned him to appoint 
to office one whom he believed to be incompetent : 
' ' My personal feelings have nothing to do with the 
case. I am not George Washington, but Presi- 
dent of the United States. As George Washington 
I would do this man any kindness ; as President 
of the United States I can do nothing." 

Parties began to form as a result of the conflict 
of opinions regarding the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution. Toward the close of Washington's 
administration they were fully developed, and 
have lived, with varying fortunes, to this day. 
Yet the rise of parties did not vary the practice of 
Washington. His successor, John Adams, was 
a party president ; nevertheless he continued his 
illustrious predecessor's civil service policy. 
Adams' successor was Jefferson. He, too, was 
elected by a party. Yet he declared: ' ' The only 
questions concerning a candidate for office should 
be — Is he honest ? is he capable? is he faithful to 
the Constitution ? ' ' Under Madison, Monroe, and 



Tin: CIVIL SERVICE. 71 

John Quincy Adams, these were the invariable 

tests. During the first forty-four years of our 
national history only seventy-three persons were 
removed from office — and these for cause. 

But a change was at hand. When Jackson 
entered the White House, in 1829, it was distinctly 
announced for the first time, that public office 
waspolitical spoil. To William I.. Marcy, of New 
York, belongs the unenviable fame, not of the dis- 
covery but of the declaration, which he made in 
these words : 4 ' There is nothing wrong in the 
rule that to the victors belong the spoils of the 
enemy." Thus parties were ranged over against 
one another not as fellow citizens, but as foes ; 
and their peaceful contests were thenceforth 
embittered by all the passions and greed of war. 
Jackson turned officials of the opposite political 
party, who answered the three famous tests of 
Jefferson, out. with the open avowal that he 
wanted his partizans in; and his successors have 
continued to do so ever since, with the mechanical 
regularity witli which the ax of the guillotine 
falls at a French execution. 

The change was not made without a protest at 
the time. Henry Clay, voicing the spirit of OUT 
early day and the conscience of all days, cried 
on the floor 3, in ringing tones : ''It 

dete system, drawn from the worst period of 

the Roman republic, and if it were to he per] 



72 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

tuated — if the offices, and honors, and dignities 
of the people were to be put up to a scramble, and 
to be decided by the result of every presidential 
election — our government, and institutions, be- 
coming intolerable, would finally end in a despot- 
ism as inexorable as that of Constantinople. " 

From Clay down to our time, this protest has 
continued. Carl Schurz affirms that the spoils 
system " has already killed two presidents — one, 
the first Harrison, by worry, and the other, Gar- 
field, by murder ; and more recently, it has killed 
a mayor in Chicago and a judge in Tennessee. 91 

But notwithstanding these protests, what Clay 
termed "the detestable system" was adopted, 
and has become the traditionary policy of the 
country. 

Thus in the land of Uncle Sam, the civil service- 
is manned, not by merit and during good be- 
havior, but as a reward lor unscrupulous party- 
service on the nomination of party bosses ; and the 
incumbents, aware of the insecurity of their 
tenure, are impelled, not to perform their duties 
in a creditable manner, but to please the appoint- 
ing power, serve the party, and use official posi- 
tion for personal gain. If the opposite party 
comes in they go out. Even though their party 
retains power, they are soon rotated out to make 
room for a new gang of incoming office-seekers. 
When expertness counts for nothing why bother 



Tin-: CIVIL SERVICE. 73 

to become expert ? Can any one conceive of a 
system better adapted to debauch character and 
destroy efficiency ? The wonder is, not that there 
are so few, but that there are so many, honest 
men in the civil service. 

Mr. Samuel Swartwout, a friend and partizan 
of President Jackson, describes the effect upon a 
participant in a graphic letter to a correspondent : 
"The great goers are the new men, the old 
troopers being all spavined and ring-boned from 
previous hard travel. I've got the bots, the fet- 
lock, the hip-joint, gravel, halt, and founders — 
and I a>^ure you if I can only keep my own legs 
I shall do well ; but I'm darned if I can carry any 
weight with me. ' 

"If this had been a true description of the 
manner in which the military and naval service of 
this country had been entered," during the re- 
bellion, remarks Mr. George Win. Curtis, after 
quoting Mr. Swartwout, " we may be very sure 
that no Grant with the bots would have emerged 
from the Wilderness, no hip-jointed Thomas would 
have pounded away at Chattanooga, no broken- 
kneed Meade have hurled back the rebellion at 
Gettysburg, no halting Farragut have forced his 
way to New Orleans, no spavined Sherman have 
marched to the sea, no foundered Sheridan have 

iired the Shenandoah, nor graveled Winslow 
in the /.' sunk the Alabama." 



74 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Now, finding this abominable system in vogue, 
politicians have naturally adopted it, and extend- 
ed it from the nation into the state ; from the state 
into the county ; from the county into the town, 
where the party discipline is most strict, where 
the offices are most numerous, and where the 
spoils are most valuable. 

We see the results of this vicious system in the 
grist of personal and official corruption ground 
out by it. For one thing, it has tempted men to 
make politics a career. The management of 
primaries, conventions, and elections calls for 
constant attention. This can be given only by a 
class who make a living out of it. Hence, the 
professional politician. He is not even a party 
man, save as party ministers to profit. Heserve^ 
God, just so far as not to offend the devil. Like 
Ah Sin, the 4t Heathen Chinee," he is an adept 
in "ways that are dark and tricks that are 
vain." He belongs to any party which he can 
"run;" clamors for high tariff, low tariff, or 
no tariff, according to his estimate of the probable 
majorities one way or the other ; but believes re- 
ligiously in a tariff levied by himself, for himself. 
Like the English wit, when asked what is meant 
by the greatest good of the greatest number, he 
would unhesitatingly answer," Number one ! " 

For another thing, at every election and espec- 
ially at every national election, as an eminent 



THE Civil. SERVICE. 75 

advocate of civil service reform points out, " the 
country presents a most ridiculous, revolting and 
disheartening spectacle. The business of a great 
people, the legislation oi Congress, are subordi- 
nated to distributing the plunder among eager 
partizan>. President, secretaries, senators, repre- 
sentatives, are dogged, besieged, besought, de- 
nounced, and become mere office brokers. The 
heads of departments who are virtually the ap- 
pointing power, have no personal knowledge of 
the applicants. They have also their own hopes, 
ambitions and desires. They must depend upon 
Congressional brokers, who have also their own 
purposes. They, in turn, rely upon local com- 
mittees and partizans at home — all intent on 
profit. Swifts contemptuous lines irresistibly 
repeat themselve- 

naturali>ts observe, a flea 
lias smaller fleas that on him prey : 
And these have smaller ones to bite 'em. 
And so proceed ad infinitum.* 

"They all worry, and bargain, and buy, and plot. 

The country seethes with intrigue and corruption. 
The time i> short. Xo man i^ Mire of to-morrow. 
Make hay while the sun shines, and the devil take 
the hindmost. Economy, honesty, honor become 
words of no meaning. Here is an incompetent 
-nothing who is always shiftlessly going be- 
hind in his affairs, and presto ' he plunges into 



76 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

politics. He gets up clubs, meetings, proces- 
sions, transparencies ; becomes an active ' work- 
er ; ' runs about posting placards, and procuring 
speakers and rousing the country for Jones and 
justice, or Jenkins and the rights of man. Ob- 
servers are refreshed to behold a little pristine 
patriotism and devotion, and to see an honest 
man taking an active interest in politics. Alas ! 
the moment the election is over, he presents his 
little bill, and takes out his patriotic devotion in 
the biggest office he can get." 

Thus public office becomes a partizan spoil. 
conferred on the principle of quid pro quo. It 
appears to be caricature, but is sober truth, when 
Lowell makes a presidential candidate write to a 
friend in maritime New England : 

11 If you git me inside the White House, 
Your head with ile 111 kinder 'nint 
By gitting you inside the lighthouse 
Down to the end of Jaalam pint." 

How did this wretched travesty get itself adopted 
in the United States ? Bryce in his exhaustive 

work entitled " The American Commonwealth " — 
perhaps the ablest analysis of our institutions ever 
penned — outlines the reasons in these words: 
" The politicians could hardly have riveted such 
a system on the country but for certain notions 
which had become current among the people. 
' Rotation in office ' Avas, and indeed by most 



THK CIVI1 SERVICE. 77 

men still is, held to be conformable to the genius 
of a democracy. It gives every man an equal 
chance oi power and salary, resembling herein 
the Athenian and Florentine system of choosing 
officers by lot. It is supposed to stimulate men 
to exertion, to foster a laudable ambition to serve 
the country or neighborhood, to prevent the 
growth ot an official caste, with its habits of 
routine, its stiffness, its arrogance. It recognizes 
that equality which is so dear to the American 
mind, bidding an official remember that he is the 
servant of the people, and not their master, like 
the bureaucrats of Europe. It forbids him to 
fancy that he has any right to be where he is, 
any ground for expecting to stay there. It min- 
isters in an odd kind of way to that fondness for 
novelty and change in persons and surroundings 
which is natural in the constantly moving com- 
munities of the West. The habit which grew up 
of electing national, and state, and local officers for 
short terms, tended in the same direction. If 
thov whom the people chose were to hold office 
only for a year or two. why should those in ap- 
pointive positions have longer tenure? And 
the use of patronage for political purposes was 
further justified by the example of England, whose 
government was believed by the Americans of 
fifty years ago to be worked, as in the last century 
it largely was worker!, by the patronage of the 



78 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Secretary of the Treasury in his function of distri- 
buting places to members of the House of 
Commons, and honors — such as orders and steps 
in the peerage — to members in the House of 
Lords, and ecclesiastical preferments to the rela- 
tives of both." f 

These remarks explain but do not justify the 
spoils system. It is not strange that such abuses 
should have attracted attention. Indeed, as long 
ago as 1853 Congress passed an act requiring 
clerks appointed to the departments at Washing- 
ton to pass a qualifying examination — although 
public officers, having no sympathy with it, failed 
to enforce it. It lay in the archives as a mere 
protest. Eighteen years later a public agitation 
began in the interest of civil service reform, and 
still continues. Progress has been slow and inter- 
mittent ; partly because of the conservatism of the 
people, but chiefly on account of the deadly op- 
position of professional politicians whose trade is 
endangered. Nevertheless a good beginning has 
been made. President Grant called attention 
to the subject and recommended action. Presi- 
dent Hayes went further and aided an enactment, 
which failed through public indifference and offi- 
cial hostility. President Arthur named a com- 
mission under the Pendleton A(5t, which insti- 
tuted a board of civil service commissioners, and 
diredted them to apply a competitive examination 



the civil service. 79 

to a considerable number of offices in the depart- 
ments at Washington, and a smaller number in 
outlying districts. President Cleveland did most 
of all, having in the last year of his second term 
swept all but seven hundred out of the 120,000 
offices at his disposal, under civil service com- 
petitive rules. 

At the same time, the States and cities have not 
been idle. In New York competitive examina- 
tions have been in vogue for several years. In 
Chicago, in 1894, civil service reform was adopt- 
ed by a popular majority of 50,000 votes. Other 
centers have followed, or are about to follow, 
these wholesome examples. 

Reform has aimed at two points : first, the 
securing competent officials by competitive ex- 
aminations of such a character as to ascertain 
fitness; and next, at a reasonable security of 
tenure, while leaving with the appointing au- 
thority a discretion of removal for cause. 

There is still widespread indifference among the 
voters to this vital rectification, and covert hostil- 
ity among the gangsters. It is the special duty 
of Christian citizens to lend a hand in the struggle 
and assure the victory. 



Ill 



UNRESTRICTED [MMIGRATION. 

A third cause of political misrule in the United 
States, is unrestricted immigration. 

A narrow Americanism is un-American. We 
are a nation of immigrants. The only original 
American is the Indian — and he is disfranchised ! 
From the outset naturalized foreigners have illus- 
trated some of the most splendid chapters in our 
history. The strength and attractiveness of our 
civilization lie in the variety of strains in our 
blood. 

But there are immigrants and immigrants. As 
some of the saints, smuggled into the calendar, 
should have been cannonaded instead of canonized; 
so many who immigrate ought to emigrate. 
Within the last few decades immigration has 
deteriorated. For many years those who came 
hither from across the sea were chiefly subjects of 
Great Britain and Germany, in essential sym- 
pathy with American ideals. The great propor- 
tion of them came hither with an intelligent and 
moral purpose to seek freedom in religious faith 
and political institutions. They were people of 
fiber, poor in purse, but rich in manhood and 

So 



UNRESTRICTED IMMIGRATION. 8l 

womanhood. The ocean and the cost of trans- 
portation acted as a sieve to strain out the worst 
elements of Europe and let through only the more 
worthy. 

All this is changed. The sea is abolished by 
steam and a reduced cost of passage. An ever- 
enlarging number of more recent immigrants 
comes from Russia, Poland, Bohemia, Italy, 
Hungary, Turkey — countries out of touch with 
us. Victims of ages of misgovernment, dwarfed 
in body, mind, and soul, soaked in animalism, 
slumped in disease, they lower our temper, add to 
our burdens, perplex our problems, and bedevil 
our daily life, without contributing anything to 
our stamina. Some years ago the attention of the 
government was directed to this public menace. 
Congressional committees were appointed to in- 
vestigate and report. The United States consuls 
were also ordered to collect data. These official 
inquiries ominously confirm the worst anticipa- 
tions. Reports made to the Fiftieth and Fifty - 
>nd Congresses show a striking consensus 
of opinion concerning the low character of our 
present immigration, and prove that Europe, 
l, and Africa, taking advantage of the loose 
nessofour immigration laws, have combined to 
make the United States a Botany Bay for their 
criminals, an almshouse for their paupers, and 
a browsing pasture for their ignoran 



82 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Na} r , the Consular Reports give evidence of the 
existence of regular societies in Europe, protected 
and subsidized by their respective governments — 
notably in Bavaria, Prussia, England, Switzerland 
— for the deportation of criminals and paupers 
to America ; T while the ignorance that lands upon 
our shores bears the brand of the four quarters of 
the globe, knows nothing in every color, and 
jabbers emptily in every tongue that Babel cleft 
our human speech into. 

Between 1820, when immigration began rapid- 
ly to make its way hither, and 1890, 18,128,121 
aliens landed in this country. 8 There were living 
herein 1890, 9,249,547. An average of 500,000 
have entered the country since 1880. Of this 
total of nearly 10,000,000, it is estimated that one 
third ought never to have been admitted because 
of ignorance, pauperism, or criminality. 

The distribution of immigrants is an interest- 
ing study. All but 530,346 of those now living 
reside north of Mason and Dixon's line. For- 
merly, on account of slavery, and now because of 
the preoccupation of the soil by negroes, immi- 
grants have avoided, and continue to avoid, the 
South. Of the 530,346 residing there, 151,469 
are in Texas. Some of the Southern States have 
less than one per cent, of foreigners. The purest 
Americanism is found in Dixie. True, the South 
has the negro problem to solve. Its colored belt 



UNRESTRICTED IMMIGRATION. 83 

numbered 6,741,941, when the last national 
census was taken. But the colored people are 
natives, with American aspirations. They take 
kindly to education, are tractable, love sun and 
fun, speak English — colored English ! and have 
no associations distinct or different from the 
whites. Christian citizens in the South can 
settle and will settle their race question by justice 
and kindness, long before the North has solved 
kindred ethnic problems. In what parts of the 
North are the immigrants found ? In all parts : 
but chiefly in the strategic States of Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Nebraska, the Da- 
kotas, Montana, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, Idaho. 
Washington, and California. If to those who are 
foreign born are added their children — many of 
whom are quite as foreign in their ideas of social 
order as their parents — this element is numerically 
stronger than the native population in Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, 
Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, the Dakotas, 
Utah, Nevada, and California ; while it is a close 
second in the remainder of the list. 

Moreover, the birth-rate among the immigrants 
is higher than it is among the natives; who are 
thus worsted both at the adult and the childhood 
ends of life. 



84 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

The distribution of our immigrant population 
is vitally related to the growth and influence of 
American cities. When the first census was 
taken in 1790 there were but 13 towns in the 13 
vStates which then formed the Union, with a popu- 
lation of more than 5,000. The urban popula- 
tion was 3.3 of the whole. In 1890 there were 
over 500 towns with above 5,000 people, and the 
percentage had risen to 29.12. Evidently we 
are to be a nation of cities. The Atlantic - 
board is already urban. In the near future the 
shores of the great lakes, the valleys of the Ohio, 
Mississippi and Missouri, and the Pacific slope, 
will outrival in the number and power and 
splendor of their cities, the historic valleys of the 
Nile, Euphrates and Tiber, when the civilization 
of the ancients glittered at the zenith. 1 Now, the 
cities are the Meccas ofimmigrants. There are fifty 
cities in the United States whose population ranges 
from 20,000 up into the millions. Of these 17 
contain more foreigners than natives. In 38, 
foreigners with their immediate descendants are in 
the majority. And in 2 1 8 of the 375 towns which 
have a population of 8,000 or over, the foreign 
element exceeds the native — counting in the for- 
eign element the children of aliens. 10 

The sociological bearing of these facls is ob- 
vious. 

Municipal problems are intensified and night- 



UNRESTRICTED IMMIGRATION. 85 

mared. The slums in which aliens burrow defy 
sanitation. The children of the shuns go to 
school to the devil in the streets. The saloon, the 
brothel, and the gambling den are regnant. 
Liberty is defined as license. Law is tyranny. 
Property is theft. Religion is a fad of the well- 
. to-do. God is a fiction invented by priests as a bug- 
a-boo to frighten silly folks. These atheistic and 
anarchistic notions are brought over here by im- 
migrants and domesticated in whole sections of 
great cities. Everybody drinks in Europe — let 
everybody drink in America. Everybody recog- 
nizes the social evil as a necessity in Europe — 
let everybody tolerate it in America. Every body 
gambles in Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Brussels, Buda- 
pest and St. Petersburg — let everybody gamble 
in New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, 
St. Louis, and San Francisco. Urban vices own 
and operate a vast purchasable vote which holds 
the balance of power in all elections; thus present- 
ing to professional politicians an opportunity of 
which they eagerly avail themselves. The bood- 
ler and boodling root themselves in this dung- 
heap. Opportunity has been called the cleverest 
devil. Opportunity beckons and allures, de- 
bauches and damn- at every turn. Our cities are 
thus an- Americanized. 

The industrial effect- are equally sad and 
serious. The alien- landed here within a decade 



86 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

and a half number one- tenth of our whole popu- 
lation. Of this tenth 48 per cent, had neither 
training nor occupation. Those who had, were 
accustomed to the pauper wages of Europe. En- 
tering this market they inevitably lower both the 
morale and the wage scale. The coal miners of 
the anthracite and bituminous regions, the miners 
of the precious metals in the West, are aliens 
in overwhelming numbers, and are ignorant of 
our very language. The mills and factories of the 
manufacturing States aie manned and womaned 
in the same way. So with the unskilled labor of 
the country — mongrel, all of it. The trade unions, 
which ought to sale guard the interests of labor, 
are largely controlled by foreigners, who earn 
their salaries by precipitating .^trike>. to level 
down instead of up. Lowered wages drive women 
and children to manual labor, in order to eke out 
a livelihood. European conditions of industrial 
serfdom thus tend to reproduction in America. 

Our pauper and criminal statistics bear appal- 
ling witness to the folly of admitting to this 
country the most incapable and irresponsible 
flotsam and jetsam of Europe. The census of 
1890 shows that about three-fourths of the 
paupers in our almshouses are of foreign birth, 
or immediate descent. Nor does the burden end 
here. The proportion is the same in the insane 
asylums. Our Boards of Charities everywhere 



UNRESTRICTED IMMIGRATION. 

.111 under the intolerable incubus. American 
charity is at once burdened and abused. If^e 
turn to criminal statistics substantially the 
same results stare us in the face. Although com 
prising, with their offspring in the first generation, 
but one-third of the population, these immigrants 
contribute more than half of the convicts in our 
prisons and penitentiaries. 

The educational problem is similarly embar- 
ked. A large proportion of the foreigners 
amongst us can not read or write their native 
language, and 24.98 per cent, of them have no 
knowledge of English. Thus ignorant them- 
es, they can hardly be expected to be very 
solicitous regarding the schooling of their chil- 
dren. Those who are better informed are apt to 
be clannish. They retain their prejudices of 
race and creed, and demand schools at the public 
expense which shall perpetuate differences of 
feeling or tongue that destroy the homogeneity 
Ameriean citizenship. Our free-school system 
aims at two things, viz., the fitting of the children 
<>f the commonwealth to earn an honest living, 
and their preparation for the fundamental duties 
of citizen-hip. A: ference with these end.s 

is inhuman and unpatriotic, and should be opposed 
and stopped by the whole . v and force of 

the national will. 
The hich we have reviewed have their 



<S8 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

national application. The importation, and 
especially the deportation by foreign governments, 
of undesirable elements, lowers the tone of the 
country — may fatally lower it. Ignorance, crime, 
and pauperism can not form the foundation of a 
nation which rests in its conception and contin- 
uance upon intelligence, obedience to law and 
industry. The elective franchise is imperiled not 
only by criminal and pauper voters, but almost 
equally by ignorant voters. [s it any wonder 
that foreigners have a poor opinion of the fran- 
chise, when we permit them to be ground out 
through the mill of naturalization into a grist of 
voters while ignorant of the constitution and 
language of the country? Nay, in some States 
they are enfranchised by a brief residence, 
without naturalization ! And this while we 
insist upon it that no American youth shall 
vote under the age of 21, and no woman shall 
vote at any age ! The laws governing the fran- 
chise should be amended to provide that no 
foreigner shall vote until he has resided in the 
country at least ten years ; nor then unless he has 
qualified himself to read and write in the lan- 
guage in which our legislation is recorded and in 
which he must respond in every court of justice. 
Happily, public thought is now turned to this 
whole subjedt. There is a rapidly growing sen- 
timent in favor of a reconstruction of the laws of 



UNRESTRICTED IMMIGRATION. 89 

immigration. Upon the following points there is 
jreement : the total exclusion of the unfit ; 
the admission only of persons who have some vis- 
ible means of self-support ; the return of those who. 
after landing, are discovered to have been crimi- 
nals or paupers or anarchists in their native land ; 
a declaration on reaching America of the intention 
or non-intention on the part of the immigrant to 
become a citizen ; and the lengthening of the 
period of residence necessary before naturalization, 
with the demanding of some knowledge of the 
English langnage, together with a denial of the 
right to vote until the consummation of the act of 
naturalization. 

Verily, here is a vast and needy field for 
Christian citizens to labor in ! 



IV. 

THE LIQUOR Al'PKTITK AM) TRAFFIC. 

I\ the rank soil of the three capita] abuses de- 
scibed in the three preceding chapters, grow the 
three great special vices — drunkenness, licen- 
tiousness, and gambling, to which we devote the 
three chapters that follow. 

Commencing with the first of these master- 
vices, we emphasize the fact that races, like 
individuals, have special proclivities, Climate, 
heredity, and environment are the three strands 
in this cable of predisposition. The tropics, for 
example, heat the blood and breed languor. 
Tropieal races, therefore, find their bane in idle- 
ness and licentiousness. The frigid and temper- 
ate zones, on the other hand, incite to gluttony 
and drunkenness. "If you would know what 
are the fundamental traits of a race," remarks 
Carlyle, "catch it and study it before Christian- 
ity and civilization have tamed it." Look at our 
race in the light of this maxim. Tacitus de- 
scribes the ancient Britons as having ravenous 
stomachs, filled with meat and cheese, heated 
with strong drink. Taine, in his " History of 
English Literature," confirms the Roman from 

90 



THK UgrOR APPETITE AND TRAFFIC. 91 

other sources. Ami the Venerable Bede avouches 

the statements of both. The greatest of Ameri- 
can orators, summarizing the classic authorities, 
shows that our German ancestors, before they 
streamed out of their primeval life, conceived of 
heaven as a drunken revel, and regarded the 
drinking of blood diluted with wine as a foretaste 
of Paradise. What is bred in the bone will come 
out in the flesh. England, Scotland, Wales, 
Ireland, Germany, and North America are the 
living witnesses. Drunkeness is in the Anglo- 
Saxon and Celtic blood. 

Heredity cooperates with climate in the produc- 
tion of this taint. Recent biologists have shown 
that pauperism, criminality, insanity, and similar 
tendencies, are transmitted, and can be produced 
with as much certainty as plants and animals are 
bred and changed. Inebriety comes under the 
same category. It has been recognized as heredi- 
tary for ages. Take any one hundred inebriates. 
:v per cent, will be found to be the children of 
parents who are either excessive or moderate 
drinkers. Of the remainder, 20 per cent, inherit 
their appetite from grandparents, more frequently 
<»n the maternal side, the heredity having thus 
skipped a generation; another 20 per cent, are the 
endants of consumptive, epileptic, or feeble- 
minded ano -brain and nerve-exhausted 

ons. Only 20 percent, are free from ancestral 



92 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

taint. What a commentary on the solemn words 
of the decalogue, that God visits " the iniquity of 
the fathers upon the children unto the third and 
fourth generation ! " And what a motive this tre- 
mendous law presents to parents to live soberly! 

The physiological explanation of thou effec 
is, that liquor congests the cerebral blood-vessels 
and thus causes them to press upon the delicate 
tissues of the brain, producing confusion of ideas 
and stupor. When the stimulative fever subsi 
after the partial elimination of the poison, the brain 
is left weak. By frequent repititions of alcoholic 
congestion the membranes of the brain become 
thickened and distorted — conditions which p 
down to descendants. The immediate victims and 
their unhappy progeny are thus inclined to apo- 
plexy, and disinclined to continued intellectual 
effort. 

Climate and heredity are reenforced by environ- 
ment. Inhabiting this /one, and with such blood 
in our veins, we have created an environment of 
temptation. The great centers of population are 
honeycombed with legalized dram-shops. Like 
the shipwrecked sailor who, when he saw a gal- 
lows, thanked God that he had been washed ashore 
in a Christian country, we recognize in the grog- 
gery a distinctive symbol of modern civilization. 
Long after all honest places are shut and barred, 
the groggery flames out to entice and engulf — a 



THK LIQUOR APPETITE AND TRAFFIC, 93 

"blazing lighthouse of hell." It is the most 
obtrusive feature 01 city life, and is only less fre- 
quent and frequented in villages and hamlets. 

As though climate, and racial inheritance, and 
environment were not enough, chemistry invents 
a new devil, alcohol, and makes it so cheap 
that anybody may have a familiar spirit. The 
Roman legions that trod the world into vassalage 
had no stimulant stronger than vinegar and water. 
To-day an incompetent can earn in a forenoon the 
means of getting and keeping drunk. 

The stupendous outcome of the liquor appetite 
is the liquor traffic — cause and effect combined. 
Engaged in this nefarious calling as proprietors, 
employes or dependents, are 1,397,500 persons — 
all males and voters. The saloons they conduct 
number 200,000. Capital to the amount of 
00,000,000 is directly invested in the trade. 
Another 51,000,000,000 is indirectly interested. 
Tlie annual liquor bill of the United States is also 
Si .000,000,000. We send up in tobacco-smoke 
every year sooo, 000, 000; and spend for bread in 
a twelve month $500,000,000 ; for clothes a like 
amount; for meat, $300,000,000; for shoes, $200-, 
000,000; and Sioo,ooo,ooo for schools. There is 
widespread complaint nowadays of hard times. 
Would not times be easier if the capital directly 
and indirectly employed in the liquor traffic, to 
her with the sum annually expended on liquor, 



94 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

were directed into the till of honest business?' 2 
This inquiry is all the more pertinent when we 
reflect that we lavish hundreds of millions a year 
in policing the consequences of rum; and, what is 
infinitely more wasteful and wicked, create crime, 
70 per cent, of which comes from this traffic, de- 
grade 40,000 men and women every year from 
lives of industry to homes in the penitentiary, and 
distribute an annual quota of 319,000 idiots 
through the country, each of whom bears the 
brand of the saloon. 

Why is not this curse of curses summarily dealt 
with by the religion and law of America ? Because 
it is a colossal, defiant oligarchy, possessing, like 
Milton's Satan, — 

>l Unconquerable will, 
And study of revenge, immortal hate 
And courage never to submit nor yield: " 

because it is intrenched in the appetite of millions, 
in the greed of other millions, in the habitual tol- 
eration of forty-five States, in the ambition of 
politicians; and because it is a thoroughly or- 
ganized and disciplined political power, with rami- 
fications in even- primary district in the Union. 

As a political evil it is impossible to over-esti- 
mate the liquor traffic. Taking advantage of the 
indifference of the better classes towards the pri- 
mary and the ballot-box, of the spoils system, and 
of the presence of immigrants who bring here the 



thk i.igroK APPETITE axd traffic. 95 

drinking habits of Europe, it goes into politics, 
turns every saloon into a center of organized in- 
fluence, makes and unmakes laws, and law-givers, 
and interpreters, corrupts juries, and terrorizes 
70,000,000 of people. 

Statistic- show that 75 per cent, of the brewers 
and maltsters in the United States are - of foreign 
birth, while a large percentage of the remainder 
are of foreign parentage. Of the dealers in spirit- 
uous liquors, 63 per cent, are foreign-born, with a 
larger percentage of the balance of foreign parent- 
age. In the North Atlantic division of the Union 

— from Maine to and including Pennsylvania — 
there is one liquor dealer to every 64 voters; in 
the South Atlantic division — from Delaware to 
and including Florida — one to every 117; in the 
North Central division — from Ohio to and includ- 
ing Kansas — one to every 70; in the South Cen- 
tral — from Kentucky to and including Arkansas 

— one to every 105; and in the Western division 

— from Montana to and including California — 
one to every 39. And each dealer is a political 
manager and magnate, holding the balance of 
power, belonging to any party which most favors 
his interests, and assuring success to that part)-. 

A bad matter is made worse by the fact that 
European syndicates are largely and increasingly 
interested in the American liquor traffic. Hence, 
American politics are measurably controlled not 



96 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

only by foreigners here, but also by foreigners 
abroad. Are we any longer, then, a self-governed 
people ? 

At the start the whisky trade in this country 
had no organization. It was conducted by a group 
of traders who sold liquor with other and more 
honest commodities over the counters of groceries 
and country shops, or in the tap-rooms of taverns. 
And drinking was universal. Cronies " treated M 
one another in the tavern; wine sparkled in the 
decanter on the sideboard in every home ; even 
parsons got tipsy in orthodox fashion at religions 
conventions, and were more spirituous than spirit- 
ual. A remarkable change in public sentiment 
has made nearly all clergymen total abstainers, 
banished the decanter from private tables, driven 
it from groceries and country shops, and stamped 
the traffic as disreputable. To counteract this 
revolution, the liquor dealers have been com- 
pelled to organize. Their organization is really 
a tribute to the continental strength of the reform 
movement. 

The ostensible occasion of the liquor federation 
was the Internal Revenue Act of 1S62, which lev- 
ied a heavy tax on domestic liquors to help meet 
the expenses of the civil war. Every year since 
then has contributed its quota towards a more 
effective organization, until whisky now lords it 
as that deposed majesty, slavery, used to do. 



Till-: UQUOR APPETITE AND TRAFFIC. 97 

The trade, too, is at present carried on in places 

distinctively devoted to it, and called M saloons.'' 
By common acknowledgment they are manufac- 
tories of crime and criminals, try sting-places of 
vice, allies of the brothel, breeders of poverty, 
dealers at wholesale and retail in misery, the de- 
spair of law and order, the raison d'etre of police 
and prison, a chronic assault upon property and life 
— organized anarchy ! It is fast coming to be felt 
that there can be no peace in this country until 
the saloons are repressed and placarded ' ' For 
rent." 

But before the saloons can be reached, the rum 
power behind them and operating them must be 
trampled down and trampled out. Who can be 
relied upon to do this save Christian citizens:* 
Can the existing political parties ? They are in a 
guilty partnership with it. Can State legislatures ? 
They are filled with its creatures. Can the Na- 
tional Congress and the President of the United 
They are elected with an express ander- 
ading that they are to keep hands off. If any- 
thing is done, therefore, it must be done by Chris- 
tian 1 itizens acting outside of existing parties, 
framing drastic measures through new legisla- 
ture-: anl -ending to Washington congressmen 
and presidents pledged to treat this insurrection 
again>t every legitimate interest of the Republic, 
the first C - and the first President treated 



98 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the whisky rebellion in 1794 in Pennsylvania — 
take it by the throat and choke the life out of it. 

As to the plan of campaign there is as yet, un- 
happily, no consensus of opinion. The problem 
is vast and intricate, and suggests as many solu- 
tions as it has phases. Temperance workers must 
practise charity among themselves. Let there be 
no more reading out of the ranks of those who do 
not mutter a given shibboleth. Any and every 
contribution of any and every thoughtful student 
of the question should be welcomed. "Where 
no counsel is," saith Holy Writ , "the people 
fall; but in the multitude of counselors there is 
safety. ' ' Out of a comparison of views will come 
a final and successful plan. 

Meantime, some things are already clear. Pal- 
liatives are not remedies. License, for instance, 
is a world-old and world-wide failure. The more 
it is thought of the less it is thought of. Were 
it successful it would yet be hateful to the Chris- 
tian conscience. Bouvier, in his M Law Diction- 
ary,' ' defines license as " a right given by some 
competent authority to do an act which without 
such authority w r ould be illegal." License, there- 
fore, puts the State in the attitude either of deny- 
ing the sinfulness of the liquor traffic, or else of 
compounding a felony. The thief — it jails him. 
The murderer — him it hangs. But the thief- 
maker, the manufacturer of murderers, it licenses. 



Tine LIQUOR APPETITE A\n TRAFFIC. 99 

Thus with one hand it strangles the victim, and 
with the other protects the victimizer. Will not 
the future Tacitus, when he looks back to paint 
our times, count this as the most curious of histor- 
ical monstrosities ? 

In the forum of conscience it is without valid 
excuse. Is it said that a license is substantially a 
tax ? The answer is, that a tax is a levy imposed 
on the members of society to pay the expenses of 
a common government; a license is the granting- 
of permission to do what it would otherwise be 
unlawful to do. A tax requires something to be 
given; a license allows something to be done. A 
tax is for the public welfare; a license is for the 
benefit of an individual. There is no analog}'. Is 
it pleaded that since the evil exists it were better 
to regulate it by a license than suffer it to go at 
will ? The reply is that the same reasoning would 
lead to the licensing of all existing evils. Rape 
exists, and arson, and murder — shall these, too, 
be licensed ? If not, why not ? The State which 
licenses a sin becomes a partner in the guilt, if not 
in the profit. Is it urged that these scruples would 
deprive the community of a fat revenue ? The 
response is, that it is an authentic statistic that for 
every dollar taken in by license, $20 are expended 
to take care of the guilty consequences Is license 
economical ? 

What is called the Gothenburg system is notli- 



IOO CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

ing but restrictive license. The name con 
from the Swedish seaport of Gothenburg, where, in 
1864, to repress the terrible evils of drunkeniu 
the city council annulled all outstanding licens 
created a company — Bolag — and empowered it 
to operate a limited number of saloons, made over 
into restaurants, in which liquor should be drank 
only with meals; to license a few groceries and 
private wine-merchants; and to pay over into the 
city treasury the accruing profits. It is perl, 
the most honest license scheme ever devised. 
Nevertheless, it is open to all the ethical objec- 
tions of any other method of license. It U 
what God's law has declared to be illegal. It 
gives respectability to an essentially disreputable 
trade. And it is a failure. Town after town, 
after patient trial, has voted it out and replaced it 
with prohibition —the result of persistent agita- 
tion, aided by woman suffrage, which prevails in 
Sweden. 11 

So with the (in)famous South Carolina plan; 
which is only a modification of the Gothenburg 
scheme. While making the State a a »1< >ssal liquor 
trafficker, it, too, stands before the country as a 
self-convicfted failure. When men make a juggle 
and call it justice, the fraud is sure to appear in 
the results. 

License, then, in any and every form, may be 
eliminated from the list of remedial agencies. It 



THE LIQUOR APPETITK AND TRAFFIC. lOI 

lingers superfluous as a makeshift while we await 
a specific. Every church in America, Catholic 
and Protestant, has denounced it as "vicious in 
principle and powerless as a remedy." " Over the 
unholy door of the liquor traffic is written Dante's 
motto of the Inferno: — 

"All hope abandon, ye who enter here! M 

Christian citizens begin to understand that it 
must be met in its own aggressive spirit. There 
is a world of philosophy in Hamlet's reply to 
Laertes: — 

11 Nay, and thou 'It mouth, 
I '11 rant, as well as thou." 

Charles Sumner, in pleading for the arming of 
the blacks during the rebellion, exclaimed: " We 
must not only carry the war into Africa — we 
must carry Africa into the war. ' ' Just so to-day ; 
we must not only fight the liquor traffic — we must 
annihilate it. 



V. 

THE SOCIAL EVIL. 

There is one sin which has ever been, and is 
now, frightfully prevalent; which is the chronic 
disturber of social life; of which the newspapers 
are full; with which the courts are forever deal- 
ing; which the Scriptures devote more attention 
to than is given to almost any other theme, and 
which they blast with Divine lightning; but which 
the pulpit, the school, and the home .seldom touch; 
viz., the social evil. 

The reasons for this reticence are obvious. The 
subject is delicate. It is, therefore, difficult. 
There is danger lest we teach the vice in condemn- 
ing it, and suggest it in the very endeavor to make 
it infamous. But the difficulty is no excuse for the 
silence. Whatever the intention, a conspiracy of 
silence is usually a conspiracy of sin. A mur- 
mured hush-a-by is right in a nursery and wrong 
in a circle of crime. Many things are difficult 
from which we are nevertheless not excused. In 
war it is difficult to defeat the enemy; yet the at- 
tempt must be made, or the campaign must be 
abandoned. In social life some duty is difficult; 

102 



THE SOCIAL EVIL,. 103 

ought it to be dodged? A sin so common, so 

monstrous, and so continuously thundered against 
in the Bible, as the social evil is, must not be per- 
mitted to skulk off and sneak out of sight because 
it is difficult of treatment. It was not pleasant 
for the angels to denounce the judgment of God 
linst Sodom, yet they did not hesitate. It was 
not easy for the three Hebrew worthies to enter the 
fiery furnace of Nebuchadnezzar, but they did not 
refuse. It was not congenial to St. Paul to re- 
prove the Corinthian Church — organized by him- 
self — for drunkenness and wantonness; neverthe- 
less he delivered the rebuke. That ancient prophet 
who once tried to run away from a difficult task 
was not so successful as to encourage imitation. 
Jonah brought up in a more unpleasant situation 
than the one he sought to avoid could possibly 
have been. He turned the stomach of the whale, 
which threw him up ; and after all he had to go to 
Xineveh. How much better had he gone by some 
other route than by the way of the whale's belly. 

The essence of the social evil is that it trans- 
gresses the Seventh Commandment — " Thou shalt 
not commit adultery." This is a mandate based 
alike on physical and moral considerations. It is 
intended t< 1 ve the individual and society. 

It carries with it the common consent of nations 
and ag< 

For impurity is a kind of sacrilege. It converts 



104 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

that which is sacred to a profane use. What s 
St. Paul ? " Know ye not that your body is the 
temple of the Holy Ghost ? ' ' Now, if it was a 
rilegious to turn the temple on Mount Zion, which 
was composed of wood and stone, to inferior and 
secular uses; if our Savior's anger burned hot 
within Him, and found significant outward ex- 
pression when He saw the sanctuary turned into 
a market, and the house of God made a den of 
thieves; how much more heinous is it to transform 
a living temple of the eternal God, even the body, 
into a house of prostitution. And the apostle 
deems this sacrilege so great an aggravation of the 
sinfulness of impurity that he says again: " If any 
man defde the temple of God, him shall God 
destroy: for the temple of God IS holy, which 
temple ye are." 

In the Jewish temple whose sanctity Jesus vin- 
dicated by scourging forth those who desecrated 
it, there were certain secular uses which were con- 
stantly carried on without sacrilege; such as the 
preparation and consumption of food by those in 
charge of it, the slaughter of cattle for the sacri- 
fices, and the general household eonduel of the 
priests. In like manner there are certain uses of 
our appetites and passions which are innocent and 
permissible. When the bodily propensities are 
engaged in a legal partnership, at a proper time, 
and for ordained ends, their activity is legitimate. 



THE SOCIAL KVII.. [OS 

Iii this case the temple of the body is not defiled. 
It is impurity — that is, a wrong use, in a forbid- 
den partnership, for wicked ends, at stolen hours 
— that is sacrilegious. Here is a plain distinction 
which all should mark and may observe. 

Impurity does not stop at sacrilege ; it involves 

the moral murder of two s< >uls in one ael. ' ' Other 

sinners." observes old Dr. Watts, li can perish 

gly. The swearer damns none by his oath 

If, and although he may curse others 

to "the bottomless pit, yet shall he descend thither 

tie. The drunkard drowns but his own soul 

in perdition. Even the murderer kills the body 

of his victim only. And so, though their wieked- 

>s may prompt them to draw in associates — 

for all sin is social and loves company — yet all 

other sinners may be solitarily wicked and perish 

by themselves. But this sin necessarily requires 

tnershipin guilt, and involves another in the 

same condemnation. M Physiologists tell us that 

on the retina of a murdered man's eye i^> 

of the murderer on whom he last looked 

in life. How dreadful to be shut up through a 

ternity in the company of those whom 

down to spiritual death, and 

•i forefinger, taunt 

with " the deep damnation of their takin. 

The consequen sion are 

htful. 



106 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

When purity is gone, manhood is gone, woman- 
hood is gone. The image of God is turned into 
a human animal. The spirit, the rightful master 
of the body, is degraded to be a hewer of wood 
and drawer of water to the scavengers, who come 
up out of the sewers of the physical nature, to 
strut as lords over a heritage of woe. The eyes 
are now furtive, the old honest look is lost. What 
was a man or woman is now a sneak. The days 
are full of fears, the nights of jealousies. The 
hours burn with affront and palpitate with terror 
of discovery. 

Moreover, the social evil entails the worst 
physical results. Look around. Observe the 
sharp contrasts. There goes a man of the no- 
blest development — fine cut features, frank and 
open look, imperial dome of thought ; — 

" A combination, and a form, indeed, 
Where every god did seem to set his seal, 
To give the world assurance of a man." 

But who is this following in his track, under 
the same sky, surrounded by the same institu- 
tions? See the pinched features, the stunted 
form, the villainous countenance. " Look here, 
upon this picfture, and on this." Behold unclean- 
ness worked out, and bearing the visible stamp of 
violated physical law and moral neglect. Habit- 
ual impurity steeps the very senses it seeks to 
gratify in unresponsive apathy, and soaks the 



THE SOCIAL EVIL,. 107 

body in the slump of disease. The hospitals are 
fetid with such wrecks, to whom death would 
be welcome — were it not the gate to hell. 

Closely connected with the social evil, and a 
prolific feeder of it, is the maintenance by society 
of a double standard of morality for the two sexes. 
Tradition and custom encourage men to do what 
women are ostracized for doing. Prostitute is 
defined in the dictionaries as a noun of the femi- 
nine gender — proof of this looseness. For a male 
prostitute is as common and as bad as a female, 
and has less excuse. Women themselves, misled 
by ages of training in subjection, condone in men 
what they condemn in one another. They marry 
libertines who would themselves refuse to wed 
women guilty of acts which they habitually com- 
mit. And that mysterious human omnipotence 
called ' * society M simpers, coughs under its hand- 
kerchief; and says, "Men will be men, and 
must sow wild oats." When a woman sins in 
the same way, she is cursed and stoned by both 
sexes. 

" When I said to women in France and Italy," 
remarks Miss Prances E. Willard, "that I was 
confident a large majority of the men in my own 
ial circle in America were as chaste as women, 
the statement was invariably received with shouts 
of laughter, and some such pitying comment as 
UAmlticai - clearly Spent her life with 



108 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

books ; she does not know the world.' M Mon- 
taigne said that there were no virtuous men in 
France in his day. Women are skeptical regard- 
ing male virtue in any day or country. They 
accept the absence of it as a matter of course, 
while holding themselves, and permitting men to 
hold them, to stern accountability. 

Not only are men known to be lewd welcomed 
in decent social circles, — in Europe the social 
evil is licensed, and a stated medical examination 
of the women engaged in the traffic is mack 
that the male partner in a dual sin may be | 
tedted from nature's penalty, and the female part- 
ner be left to bear it all. Thus does society make 
it easy and safe for man to sin, and shift the crush- 
ing burden on the shoulders of the weaker sex. 
How chivalric man-made laws are ! Attempts 
have been made again and again to introduce this 
custom into America, with only partial sue 
as yet. There is still too much of the Puritan 
spirit in the country to tolerate such a gigantic 
defiance of God and such a degradation of woman- 
hood. It was this feature of the social evil which 
first attracted the attention of Miss Willard to the 
whole subject, and led her, like a new Peter the 
Hermit, to preach a crusade which is overcoming 
the silence and reserve of centuries, and stirring 
Christendom to loftier thinking and more becom- 
ing conduct. "In the year 1S69," she says. 



Tin-: social EVIL. 109 

" while studying in Paris, I used often to see pass- 
ing along' the streets great closed wagons, covered 

with black. When I inquired of my landlady 
the explanation of these somber vehicles, she 
answered sorrowfully, 'It is the demi-monde, 
who go to he examined.' I then learned for the 
first time that in Paris fallen women have a legal 
1 permit ' to carry on what is recognized as a 
business, but must remain secluded in their houses 
at certain hours, must avoid certain streets, and 
must go once a week, under police escort, to the 
dispensary for examination and certificate that 
they are free from contagious disease. Always, 
after that, those awful wagons seemed to me to 
form the most heart-breaking funeral procession 
that ever Christian women watched with tear- 
dimmed eyes. If I were asked why there has 
come about such a revolution in public thought 
that I have gained courage to speak of things once 
unlawful to be told, my answer is, ' Because law- 
makers tried to import the black wagon of Paris 
to England and America, and Anglo-Saxon women 
Uion.' M 
The existence of the double standard is further 
lenced by outrageous statutes — which might 
y be entitled laws f< >r makinj 
and -i- men — prescribic it which 

•.. be held to have 
ted to her ruin. And what is this age of con- 



IIO CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

sent ? Surely it is fixed at such a point in the girl's 
life as shall insure the maturity of her judgment 
and the certainty of her knowledge of the conse- 
quences? In some States of this Union the age 
of consent is fixed at 10 and 12 years — an age, in 
either case, when a girl is a mere child, without 
experience, and hardly with a knowledge of good 
and evil. vSlie can not inherit or dispose of 
property until she comes of age; but at 10 or 
12 she may consent to the ruin of her body and 
her soul for time and for eternity! Nay, in case 
of her seduction, the law presupposes her con- 
sent ; makes it impossible for her to prove the 
contrary by holding that a child's testimony shall 
not be put in evidence unless she understands 
the "nature of an oath." By this ingenious 
contrivance the ravisher, whatever his age, goes 
scot free ; because if his victim is under 10 or 12 
she seldom understands the nature of an oath. 
Can anything more diabolical than this be imag- 
ined? We borrowed these laws from England. 
The French code puts the age of consent at 15 
— better than 10 or 12, but absurdly low. In 
his " Moral History of Women," Legouve re- 
marks : 

1 ' If we should be told that there exists a land 
where chastity is set at so high a price among 
women that it is called their honor; if we should 
be told that the loss of this honor brands not only 



THK SOCIAL KYI I.. 1 I I 

the guilty one but her family, and that daughters 
ha*ve been put to death by their fathers for this 
fault alone; if it should be added that this error, 
when the woman is married, will bring her before 
the courts; if she is a servant, will cause her to 
be expelled from her place; if an operative, will 
often expel her from the workshop; if she is rich, 
will consign her to celibacy — for the man who 
should dare to marry her w T ould be accused in his 
turn of selling himself; if we should be told, be- 
sides, that in this country women are considered 
so frivolous in mind and so feeble in character that 
they remain minors during the whole period of 
their marriage; if w T e should be informed that 
among these people the young men have but one 
aim — to rob women of their treasure; that all, 
poor and rich, handsome and plain, plebeian or 
patrician, urged some by sensuality, some by 
ennui, others by vanity, throw themselves into 
this pursuit like bloodhounds on a trail; that, in 
short, by a singular contrast, the same people who 
load women with curses when they yield, elevate 
to a sort of heraldic distinction those who induce 
them to yield, and honor their success with a title 
reserved for the most glorious actions — the title 
oicojiqncst; truly, if such a picture were presented 
to us, and we were asked to pronounce upon the 
character of the laws of that country, we would 
say: The law-maker should have but one thought 



112 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

— to protecft the women against the men and 
against themselves; seeing on one side so much 
weakness, so much exposure, so much expiatory 
suffering, on the other so much power and impu- 
nity; he should throw himself between the seducer 
and his victim; armed for those who are unarmed, 
he should energetically reestablish the rights of 
justice and chastity ; every yielding maiden should 
be punished, but every seducer should be doubly 
punished, for he did the evil or caused it to be 
done. Such is the language that every honest 
man would put in the mouth of the law-mal 
And here, on the other hand, is what the French 
code says : ' The maiden from the age of fifteen 
is alone responsible for her honor — seduction 
shall not be punished — promise of marriage made 
with a view to seduction is void — illegitimate 
children must be reared at the expense of the 
mother. ' vSuch abandonment of public decency 
is not to be found among another civilized people, 
not even among barbarians." 

Legouve's natural indignation hurries him into 
inaccuracy. The same abandonment of decency 
was found in England, until recently, and is 
found to-day in the United States. 

Suppose a girl has just past her tenth or twelfth 
birthday. She is now competent to consent to 
her dishonor. Against all legal usage, she is not 
presumed to be innocent until proved guilty ; the 



TIIK SOCIAL EVIL. H3 

burden of proof is laid on her ; she must show to 
the satisfaction of a jury of men that she resisted 
to the utmost; otherwise the seducer, however he 
may have accomplished the seduction, whether 
by threats, or gifts, or cajolery, or affection, or 
authority — escapes 1111 whipped of justice. While 
girlish purity is thus made legal game for wily 
Lotharios of every age, a boy is excluded from 
prosecution for this crime under the age of four- 
teen — the common-law age of puberty, but by 
no means the invariable law of nature. The 
legislature of Ohio, some }~ears ago, raised the 
age of protection for boys to seventeen years, and 
in the same statute fixed the age of consent for 
girls at ten years! 

Such inconsistency, such partiality, such dis- 
crimination against the more exposed and more 
suffering victim, and in favor of the less exposed 
but guiltier betrayer, is to be expedted under a 
double standard of morals. But this is hateful to 
God. Religion knows no dual code. Judaism pre- 
scribes a single standard in the decalogue. The 
law of Moses presupposed violence on the part of 
the ravisher and resistance on the part of his victim 
— "The maiden hath cried and hath not been 
heard." Christianity has adopted the Seventh 
Commandment. Jesus, going further, condemns 
the adultery of the eye and desire: "Ye have 
heard that it was said by them of old time, thou 



114 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

shalt not commit adulter}' ; but I say unto you 
that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after 
her hath committed adultery with her already in 
his heart." The canon law defined defilement, 
even without violence — volente virgine — by the 
name of stupnuu, and the stupratar was con- 
demned either to marry the girl so corrupted by 
him, or to bestow a dowry upon her, according 
to the decision of her father. In default of ful- 
filling one or other of these two conditions, he 
was beaten with rods, excommunicated, and im- 
prisoned in a monastery, there to perform per- 
petual penance. 

Outside of religion the old laws creeled ram- 
parts to safeguard the fresh youth of the maiden 
and the purity of the wife. 

The Jewish law condemned the adulterer to 
death. Abimelech to the men of Gerah made 
it death to meddle with the wife of Isaac. Among 
the Egyptians this offense might never be con- 
doned, and was punished by a fearful mutila- 
tion of the male offender. The Greeks and 
Romans, in their best days, equally abhorred and 
banned this vice. Among the ancient Germans 
the price of an outrage committed on a virgin was 
two-fifths more than that for a warrior. Every 
free man who touched the hand of a free woman 
was fined 600 deniers — a small Roman coin ; he 
who touched her arm, 1,200 ; he who touched her 



THK SOCIAL BVH,. I 15 

bosom, i>8oo ; merely to dishevel her hair entailed 
a considerable penalty. They held a woman's 
person to be sacred — as indeed it is, since it is a 
fountain of affection and life. The ancient Franks 
in like manner called down terrible penalties upon 
abduction and rape. Old Saxon laws punished 
seduction with death, until William the Con- 
queror mitigated the penalty to emasculation and 
the loss of the eyes. Several centuries later rav- 
ishment was made a felony, the penal consequences 
of which were death and forfeiture of lands and 
goods. Thus religion, Jewish and Christian, 
canon laws and civil laws, Greeks, Romans, 
Germans, Franks — all agreed in protecting the 
purity for which women are held to such strict 
account, the loss of which is the ruin of families 
and of the State itself ; and they agreed, too, in the 
wish and effort to root out so dishonest and 
tneful a crime as the exposure of the victim 
and the shielding of the seducer, from under 
heaven. 

The double standard, then, is a modern device 
— and :iu\ without the prefix. Out with it from 
among men ! Away with it into the limbo of 
other discarded villain* 

Some years ago, Mis> Kllice Hopkins, the 
daughter of a former president of the British 
vScientif iation. and a cultured member of 

the English Church, had her attention turned, 



Tl6 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

through Christian work in London, to the expo- 
sure of young girls under the existing laws fixing 
the age of consent. In association with others, 
she caused the criminal reform bill, which raised 
the age of consent to sixteen years, to be intro- 
duced in the House of Commons. For years it 
lay there pigeon-holed or buried in the tomb of 
some committee. This brave lady, by a happy 
inspiration, enlisted in the cause that fearless 
editor, Win. T. Stead — whose name should be 
lengthened to Steadfast. One morning the first 
of those earthquake disclosures, which sh( 
London and the world, appeared under the start- 
ling caption "The Maiden Tribute to Modern 
Babylon, in the Pall Mull Gazette. Instalment 
succeeded instalment, uncapping hell. The 
public learned with amazement, and horror, that 
English law put a premium on libertinism ; that 
female virtue was an article of actual traffic ; and 
that the most elegant saunterers in aristocratic 
London clubs were the traffickers. As a cor 
quence of these exposures, the criminal reform 
bill was passed triumphantly. Under the impetus 
of this success, the White Cross Army, a male 
organization founded by Miss Hopkins, in Eng- 
land, and practically pledged to war against the 
double standard, and replace it by the single 
standard of Christ — invaded this country. At 
the same time Miss \Y illard organized the White 



THE SOCIAL KVIL. I 17 

Ribbon department of the Women's Christian 
Temperance Union for the special protection of 
female virtue. While much remains undone, 
much has also been done in recent years, through 
these and kindred bodies. In many State! the 
age of consent has been raised. Laws bettering 
the general condition of women have been passed 
— a hopeful beginning has been made. Certain 
it is that the double standard of morals is 
doomed. 

Any discussion of the social evil necessitates at 
least a reference to the proper treatment of Mag- 
dalens. With the abrogation of the double stand- 
ard of morals, a more considerate spirit towards 
these unfortunates will prevail. The words 
of the Master when they k ' told him of the 
Galileans whose blood Pilate had mingled with 
their sacrifices," apply here : "Suppose ye that 
these Galileans were sinners above all the Gali- 
leans because they suffered such things ? I tell 
you, nay ; but, except ye repent, ye shall all like- 
perish. ' ' Like any other sinners, abandoned 
women may be saved on the common terms of 
penitence and faith. They have been drawn away 
1 virtue, many of them, by a false love ; a true 
love must draw them back to it. Let th< «se erring 
tnber Mary Magdalene, and hope. In 
Milton's " M MIS M there is inspiration in 

the beautiful words with which the attendant 



Il8 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

spirit closes the poem, while poised for upward 
flight : 

" Mortals, that would follow me, 
Love virtue ; she alone is free ; 
She can teach ye how to climb 
Higher than the sphery chime ; 
Or, if virtue feeble were, 
Heaven itself would stoop to her." 

But, after all, prevention is better than cure. 
Sociologists are more concerned to stop the social 
evil at its sources than to save a few victims here 
and there. u From what sources arc the ranks 
of female profligacy recruited ?" asks Wendell 
Phillips. We commend his answer to the careful 
attention of our readers : " A lew mere gidditi 
hurries to ruin. Their protection would be in 
that character and sound common-sense which a 
wider interest in practical life would generally 
create. In a few, the love of sensual gratification, 
grown over-strong, because all the other powers 
are dormant for want of exercise, wrecks its un- 
happy victim. The medicine for these would be 
occupation, awaking intellect, and stirring their 
higher energies. Give everyone an earnest in- 
terest in life, something to do, something that 
kindles emulation, and soon the gratification of 
the senses sinks into proper subordination. It is 
idle hands that are tempted to mischief; and she 
is emphatically idle half of whose nature is unern- 



Tin: social evii*. 119 

ployed. Why does man SO much oftener than 
woman surmount a few years oi sensual gratifica- 
tion, and emerge into a worthier lite? It is not 

ly because the world's judgment is so much 
harder upon her. Man can immerse himself in 
business that stirs keenly all his faculties, and 
thus smother passion in honorable cares. An 
ordinary woman, once fallen, has no busy and 
stirring life in which to take refuge, where intel- 
lect will contend for mastery with passion, and 
where virtue is braced by high and aelive 
thoughts. Passion comes back to the 'empty,' 
though ' swept and garnished ' chambers, bring- 
ing with it more devils than before. But, un- 
doubtedly, the great temptation to this vice is the 
love of dress, of wealth, and the luxuries it secures. 
There are many women, earning two or three 
.1 week, who feel that they are as capable 

their brothers of earning hundreds, if they 
couM be permitted to exert themselves as freely. 
Fretting to see the coveted rewards of life forever 

idden to them, they are tempted to shut their 

- to the character of the means by which a 

short, may be gained of the wealth 

luxury they sigh for. Open to a man a fair 

field for hi- industry and secure to him its 

tnd nine hundred and ninety-nine men 

out of every thousand will disdain to steal. Open 

to worn field lor her industry, let her do 



120 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

anything her hands find to do, and enjoy her 
gains, and nine hundred and ninety-nine women 
out of every thousand will disdain to debase them- 
selves for dress and ease." Are we not led by 
such thoughts to applaud the larger life of women 
in our day, and to hope from its ever-widening 
scope to reap a harvest of virtue in the near 
future ? 

Amid these moral reflections, however, we 
must not lose sight of the political danger-signals 
that are hung out by the social evil. As the 
saloon and the brothel are next door neighl 
on the street, so are they in the caucus. A.S the 
law frowns upon both, they are alike interested 
in tampering with the law. As the police are the 
normal agents of the law, they are concerned in a 
common corruption of the police. Finding a dirty 
bonanza in these twin filth heaps, law-makers and 
police are, in their turn, ready to be tempted and 
to give immunity for so much cash in hand. It 
was in this way in New York, before the late re- 
form, that Tammany Hall " worked n the saloon 
and the brothel for political revenue. The social 
evil in that city was actually built up abnormally 
by the very authorities paid to suppress it. Dr. 
Parkhurst in describing the fight with Tammany, 
observes that "the social evil was so protected 
and encouraged by the filthy officials who con- 
trolled the police department, that the number of 



r 1 Li-; SOCIAL KYIL. 121 

indoned women and disorderly houses in New 

York was no measure of what it would be with a 

police force, from top down, which conceived of 

ual crime as an evil to be suppressed, not as 

a capital to draw dividends from." " 

In like manner, an eminent writer, in speaking 
of Chicago before the recent partial — too partial 
— civic purification, says : " With almost univer- 
sal agreement, the foreigners who came back from 
the Fair, declared Chicago to be as irreligious as 
Paris, as licentious as Vienna, as much engaged 
in gambling as Monte Carlo, and more drunken 
and lax in the administration of its statutes than 
any city in Europe.' l 

Charles Bonaparte, in an article in The Forum 
on "Political Corruption in Maryland," tells of 
>ung lawyer in Baltimore who aspired to be a 
school commissioner, and who was told by the 
politicians that he could not have the nomination, 
the bawdy-house interest demanded recogni- 
tion on the school board." 

With the saloon ''recognized" in the city 

council and on the police, and the brothel deci- 

g what our children shall study through its 

representative on the school board ; with the 

nullifying law. and the other expurgating the 

mmandment, we are curious to know 

where and how the gambler figures in the coinic- 

But we reserve him for another chapter. 



VI. 
GAMBLING. 

The liquor seller and the prostitute, whether 
male or female, are two persons of a diabolical 
trinity, of which the third person is the gambler. 
To describe him one needs the pen of Dickens ; 
to paint his arts, the pencil of Hogarth ; to flay 
his vice, the satire of Pope ; to write his epitaph, 
the judgment of Solomon, who says — "The 
memory of the wicked shall rot." 

The British equivalent for our gamble is game, 
and our gambler is their gamester. The words 
are derived from the same Saxon root, and have 
the same meaning. 

A history of gambling would be a history of 
human depravity. That is to say, gambling is a 
universal vice. The savage and the civilized, the 
illiterate and the learned, the poor and the rich, 
the male and the female, are alike susceptible to 
its guilt\- thrill, and captivated by its illusive 
promise to give wealth without work. A gambler 
will gamble with anything, but his favorite im- 
plements are dice, cards, and horses. Dice are 
as old as civilization. Two cubes, supposed to 
be Etruscan dice, but marked with words instead 
of pips, have given ground for the theory that the 



G IMBUNG. 123 

Etruscan was a Turanian language, the words 
being assumed to be numerals — the only useful 
service ever known to have been rendered by dice. 
Dicers, in the act of throwing dice, are pictured 
upon the most ancient monuments of Egypt. 
The Greeks gave the names of their gods to the 
different throws — a kind of pantomimic profanity. 
Dicing was popular in ancient Rome, and now-a- 
- the dice-box rattles around the globe. 

Cards came from Asia, and were originally used 
only for fortune- telling. The Saracens brought 
them into Spain and Italy, whence they soon 
spread through Europe. At first, cards were used 
as a pastime in fashionable circles, where the art 
of conversation had been lost, or never acquired, 
and where a panacea against ennui was eagerly 
welcomed. 

Pope, in one of his M Moral Essays," pictures 
the faded dowagers of his day as thus employed : 

See how the world its veterans reward ! 
A youth of frolics, an old age of card- ; 
Pair to no purpose, artful to no end, 
Young without lovers, old without a friend : 
A f»p their passion, but their prize a 90t : 
In life, ridiculous, and dead, forgot." 

seized by blacklegs, in and 

out of society, and identified with the worst phases 

porting life. 

rom time immemorial they have 



124 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

been used and abused for betting purposes; and 
all betting is gambling. 

As drinking and harlotry have houses devoted 
exclusively to them, so also has gambling, al- 
though frequently all three are domesticated under 
the same roof. From the middle ages down to 
Louis Napoleon, such places existed in Prance, 
and were patronized alike by court and people. 
In 1775 gambling was licensed in Paris — that 
capital of pleasure, whose unhappy destiny it 
seems to be to set the pace of wickedness. The 
great French Chief of Police, Fouch6, received 
$640,000 from this source a thrift successfully 
imitated by police officials since on both sides 
the Atlantic. 

Famous gambling houses used to exist in Ger- 
many, at Baden, Homburg, Wiesbaden, Aix-la- 
Chapelle, and at Spa, in Belgium. These towns 
combined even- attraction of nature and art. To 
the mineral springs, which first made them pla 
of resort, were added gardens, walks, drives, pub- 
lic music, reading-rooms, balls ; the climax of at- 
traction being the palace of fortune, nightly 
crowded with gamblers of both sexes and every 
degree, and kindled like Milton's Pandemonium, 

M with man}' a row 



Of starry lamps and blazing cresets, fed 
With naphtha and asphaltus, yielding light 
As from a sky." 



GAMBLING. 125 

A consensus of opinion exists among moralists 
and legislators regarding the abhorrent character 
of this vice. The first denounce it, and the others 
prohibit it. One after the other, the great lumin- 
aries in the pandemonium sky have been forced 
to quench their baleful fires. In Paris gambling 
is now illegal and secret. Throughout Europe it 
is under the ban. Monaco is the only gambling 
hell now open there. In America it is equally 
oed by law. Our great cities have recently 
sed every public door — may they remain shut! 
What is gambling ? It may be defined as the 
staking of anything of value upon mere hazard. 
It differs from business in this, that business rests 
upon a fair exchange — gives value for value re- 
The merchant sells his merchandise, the 
laborer sells his labor, the physician sells his 
medical services, the attorney sells his knowledge 
of the law, the farmer sells his produce, the 
lis his skill — each for so much money; 
and se there is an exchange. Gambling 

returns no honest equivalent. It exacts value, 
back nothing but a chance; a chance 
attenuated into invisibility by the dishonesty of 
the gambli ter and cheat have been 

rms in tlie English language since 
the time of Ben ]<>■ 1 Shakespeare. 

r this definition of gamblii re bound 

emn the 1 habit of betting, tlie 



126 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

mania for speculation which infests the country, 
and, above all, certain transactions of the stock 
exchange. There is a legitimate business of the 
brokers' board, and there are honest brokers. But 
the organized conspiracies to corner the neces- 
saries of life, and to swindle and plunder outside 
investors, which exist side by side with those 
legitimate transactions, and under the eyes, though 
without the connivance, of honest brokers — are 
fitted to stir righteous indignation. "It is not 
one of the least perplexing anomalies of modern 
life and manners, ' ' affirms Edward Everett, ' ' that, 
while avowed and thus far honest gambling — if 
the words may be connected — is driven by public 
opinion and the law to seclude itself from obser- 
vation within carefully tiled doors, there to fool 
away its hundreds, perhaps its thousands, in 
secret — discredited, infamous, blasted by the ana- 
themas of deserted, heart-broken wives and beg- 
gared children, subject at all times to the fell 
swoop of the police — the licensed gambling of the 
brokers' board is carried on in the face of day ; 
its pretended sales of what it does not own, its pre- 
tended purchases of what it does not propose to 
pay for or handle, are chronicled in the public 
prints to the extent of millions in the course of 
the season, for the cruel and dishonest purpose of 
frightening innocent third parties into the ruinous 
sacrifice of bona fide property, and thus making a 



GAMBLING, 127 

guilty profit out of the public distress and the 
ruin of thousands." 

The main source of this vice IS a depraved crav- 
ing' for excitement. "The body," observes 
Henry Ward Beecher, in the famous discourse on 

Gamblers and Gambling/' in his M Lectures to 
Young Men, ' ' ' ' is not stored with a fixed amount 
strength, nor the mind with a uniform measure 
of excitement ; but both are capable by stimula- 
tion of expansion of strength or feeling almost 
without limit. Experience shows that, within 
certain bounds, excitement is healthy and neces- 
. but beyond this limit exhausting and de- 
structive. Men are allowed to choose between 
moderate but long-continued excitement, and in- 
tense and short-lived excitement. Too generally 
they prefer the latter. Gambling is founded upon 
the worst perversion of this powerful element in 
human nature. It heats every part of the mind 
like an oven. The faculties which produce cal- 
culation, pride of skill, of superiority, love of 
gain, hope, fear, jealousy, hatred, are absorbed in 
the and exhilarated or exacerbated by 

vie* defeat. These passions are doubtless 

ited in men by the daily occurrences of li 

but then they are transient, and counteracted by 

a th ion, which rise and fali 

like the undulations of the & a. But in gambling 

intermission, no counteraction. The 



128 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

whole mind is excited to the utmost, and concen- 
trated at its extreme point of excitation for hours 
and days, with the additional waste of sleepless 
nights, profuse drinking, and other congenial im- 
moralities. Every other pursuit becomes tas 
less ; for no ordinary duty has in it a stimulus 
that can scorch a mind which now refuses to burn 
without blazing, or to feel an interest which i^> 
not intoxication.' ' 

These considerations explain the inveteracy of 
this vice. Few gamblers ever c tnbling. 

Its victims have been among the otherwise mighty 
of theearth. Henry IV., of France, was one ; the 
courtly Knight Duguesclin was another ; Cardinal 
Mazarin was a third. The English statesmen 
of the reign of Queen Anne, and under the four 
Georges, were deep players. And some of the 
earlier lights in American history are likewise 
stained. The Chinese play night and day, till they 
have lost everything — then hang themselves. 
The Siamese sell their possessions, their famir 
themselves, to satisfy this craving. Among the 
Malays a gambler, after losing everything, 
loosens a certain lock of hair, which indica 
his desperation and purpose to slay all whom he 
may meet, and thus ' ' runs amuck, ' ' as it is called, 
and may be lawfully slain in turn. The ancients 
were not less addicted to gambling. In the de- 
cline of the Empire, a wealthy Roman would fre- 



GAMBLING ,. I2g 

quently stake his whole fortune on a single throw 
the dice. D'Israeli, in his "Curiosities of 
Literature," recites the story of a French physi- 
cian, who wrote the oldest treatise against gam- 
bling among the moderns, in order to convince 
himself oi its folly, yet who, despite his solemn 
vows and prayers, and quotations from his own 
book, thrown at him by his friends, remained a 
gambler to his last hour. Few gamblers have the 
se of old Montaigne, who says he stopped be- 
cause when he lost, whatever good countenance 
he put on it, he felt anger and malice burning 
none the less fiercely in his heart. 

Obviously, a mania like this must be a menace 
to society. Every gambling-hell is a college of 
deceit. Cheating is reduced to a science. Honest 
industry becomes disgusting. Dishonest in itself, 

5 the inevitable cause of dishonesty in those who 
it. The prisons are full of criminals who 
into these institutions from the card- 
table and the race-track. Nay, it is an axiom 
that a decline in private decency and public 
hone :i exact ratio to the prevalence of 

Hardly a home which has not been 
shadowed by it. 

Nor political aspects less somber and 

threatening. For is not a practise which destroys 
individual character and public honor a menace? 
As has id. the gambler is invariably in 



130 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

league with the saloon-keeper and the harlot, has 
the same interests, the same exposures, the same 
bad influence. It is his " pull M which saves him 
from being ' ' pulled. 

This alliance of the vices must be kept in view 
by the friends of law and order : and repressive 
measures must close upon them all and equally, 
as the fingers do upon the hand. 



VII. 
Tin: DEVIL IN ink. 

As art, science, politics, and poetry have their 
literary propaganda, so also have the vices, which 
seek their justification and demand their glorifi- 
cation in a lying philosophy and a corrupt and 
corrupting literature. Thus we have the devil in 
ink. 'Tis one of the most curious, perplexing, 
difficult of compound facts, this inter-play and 
close alliance betwixt the evil forces in modern 
society, so that each strengthens all, and all each, 
with a literary annex both for defense and aggres- 
sion. 

In the fourteenth century an experimenting 
monk in a corner of Kurope — at Freiburg, in 1330 
— put niter, charcoal, and sulphur together. The 
result was gunpowder, which revolutionized war- 
fare. A century later — at Strasburg, in 1450 — 
John Gutenberg carved movable types out of 
blocks of wood. Civilization came into possession 
of its mightiest secular agent, printing. Well 
do tlie statues erected in honor of the immortal in- 
tor at Strasburg and at Mentz represent him 

as leaning on his pre--, whence streams forth the 
light. Thenceforth literature was popularized, 

131 



I32 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

and learning, in the phrase of Lord Bacon, 
' ' lights her torch at every man's candle. 

Ours is preeminently the age of the omnipo- 
tence of printers' ink. Satan has been quick to 
recognize and act upon this fact. He has im- 
mersed himself in the ink bottle. On a certain 
occasion Luther is said to have flung a bottle of 
ink at the devil. Taking the hint, the devil has 
been busy ever since in flinging ink. He has be- 
deviled the fluid until millions of pages reek with 
damnation. 

Unfold the average newspaper. In many ways 
it is a miraculous achievement. Its telegraphic 
nerves stretch over the land and under the sea to 
Click the news of the world into its pa And 

what stouter exponent of civilization is therein 
all the arena? Duguesclin, or the Black Prince, 
did no mightier deeds of valor. Sad, that this 
knight-errant of to-day should demean its sword 
in the championship of vice in any form. The 
paper is white, but the print is black in more 
senses than one. Notice the disproportionally 
large space allotted to reports of murders, arso 
burglaries, divorces, assaults, prize-fights, even 
bull-fights, telegraphed all the way from Spain or 
Mexico, until horrors pass before the reader as 
the ghosts trooped in the midnight vision of 
Richard III. on the eve of the battle of Bosworth. 
The sheet reads like a daily bulletin of the pit. 



THE I > 1 1 X 1 1 - IN INK. 133 

< Kir friends in the editorial sanctum tell us this is 
'■news.'' Suppose it is, why print it? Who is 
made the better or the wiser by it ? Does not the 
spreading oi these nauseous details over columns 
and columns, day after day, demoralize the pub- 
What imaginable importance is attached to 
squabbles in saloons, the deeds of profligates, or 
the opinions of criminals? If mentioned at all, 
why not merely mention these occurrences? Why 
those startling headlines and sensational para- 
graphs? Is not vice taught in this way, while it 
is seemingly condemned? Wickedness is infec- 
tious. The recital of it always impels imitators to 

and do likewise. If it be a study in morbid 
anatomy, better relegate it to the physicians. 
The tone of newspaper treatment of these themes 

objectionable. A depraved custom prevails 
which leads reporters to attend trials and paint 
pre-Raphaelite pictures, in which minute inci- 
dent-, the p<>-e. gestures, tones of those arraigned, 
are emphasized, while family skeletons are ruth- 
\ ed out of close-locked closets and gal- 
vanized into hideous movement to amuse a morbid 
public taste. ( ta urrences grim and grewsome 

turned into ridicule; as in England poets n 

jocular lines to highwaymen on the 
way to Tyburn to be hung, and advise them to 
mount the 1 art cheerfully and u kick the bucket M 
with - and as in this country reporters 



134 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

peat the sayings of ' ' lewd fellows of the baser 
sort " with gusto, and treat their doings as a good 
joke. 

Consider what it is that is thus made a stuffing 
for newspapers and coined into an income by 
penny-a-liners — the disgrace and despair of honest 
relatives of malefactors, the wreck of characler, 
the death of hope. For crime is a cannibal which 
eats up all the youth and inexperience it can lax- 
hold of, and gormandizes upon its own sons and 
daughters. The spot where manhood dies, where 
womanhood is lost, is too black for crape and too 
sad for cypress — the saddest spectacle the pitying 
eye of heaven looks down upon. Did Christian 
sentiments prevail among us, the courts would be 
peopled with soul-savers, as dangerous coasts are 
with body-savers, and the shipwreck of characler 
would be a signal to "throw out the life-line." 
Criminals should be punished ; the safety of so- 
ciety demands it. But crime is not a joke ; it is 
a horror of common concern, and all should com- 
bine to deal out to it a treatment at once punitive 
and remedial. 

If we turn from the sanctum to the book-store, 
we go from bad to worse. What the journals do 
incidentally, and as a matter of news, certain 
meretricious publications do purposely. They 
exist for the propagation of immorality. On every 
news-stand periodicals stare decency out of coun- 



Till-: DEVIL IN INK. I35 

tenance with pictures as nearly nude and as sug- 
gestive in posture as a careful study of the statutes 

in such case made and provided, leads the pub- 
lisher to consider on the safe side of the danger 
line. The city of Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania, not 
long ago tabooed these sheets, and they have 
vanished. Why not make every town a Pittsburg 
in this respedl J Anthony Comstock has chased 
transparent cards, and similar implements of cor- 
ruption, out of the open market, yet they continue 
to circulate sub rosa, and even penetrate into de- 
corous schools to poison youth of both sexes, who 
by handling these wares of sin become rotten be- 
fore they are ripe. 

How many trashy and flashy novels there are, 
dAxMett novels, whose self-evident design is to 
make vice attractive. In these the appeal is to 
the lowest elements — to the devil and not to the 
angel in human nature. Often the story is breath- 
"y told, and the style, suggesting rather than 
disclosing sin, completes the diabolical enchant- 
ment. A gentleman in India was once reading in 
his library when he felt a sharp prick at the end of 
his finger. Glancing down he saw an infinitesimal 
snake between the leaves. Shaking it to the floor, 
he watched it squirm out of sight. Presently his 
finger began to then his arm. In an hour 

he was dead. Ik-ware of books read on the sly, 
locked away out of view, passed from hand to 



136 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

hand under the handkerchief. There is a serpent 
hidden in the pages whose sting is death. Renan, 
uttering the thought of the whole French infidel 
school, has said that "nature cares nothing for 
chastity." In reply, Matthew Arnold affirms that 
however it may be with nature, human nature 
does care for chastity, and that the worship of the 
goddess Lubricity is against human nature. H For 
this," he adds, "is the test of its being against 
human nature, that for human societies it is 
ruin." 

It has been well said that impurity is not the 
only vice, but, more than any other, it stunts and 
disorganizes what is high and harmonious in man, 
robs the mind of noble thoughts, the heart of 
sweet love, leads to hardness and insolence, dis- 
honesty and brutality — feeds the beast and starves 
the soul. Poor Burns — who knew — confirms 
this : 

" But och! it hardens a' within, 
And petrifies the feeling." 

Whoever will watch the bill-boards in our citie - . 
reeking with vulgarity and obscenity, the pro- 
ceedings in divorce courts, the dramas produced 
in the theaters, the advertisements in widely-cir- 
culated newspapers, the books drawn out of the 
libraries, and the street scenes at night, will be 
persuaded that the sense of chastity is dying or 
dead among the American people. 



THE DEVIL IN INK. 137 

Defenders of bad books are not lacking. A 

young Italian scholar, Guglielmo Ferrero, lias re- 
cently published an ingenious argument, which 
may be thus summarized : In our neurotic, over- 
strained society a large number of persons are 
subject to abnormal, morbid tendencies, which 
under favorable circumstances may develop into 
positive wickedness. Abnormal, morbid books of 
the Ibsen, Zola, Tolstoi, Du Maimer type quiet 
these latent tendencies by creating a literary satis- 
faction. Ferrero continues : " I do not deny that, 
regarded from an unconditional point of view, 
such books can call forth evil results, particularly 
on excitable and susceptible minds ; but whatever 
effect a book of this sort may produce in an im- 
pressionable brain, it will always be less than if 
the reader had come in personal contact with the 
warped mental condition from which the book 
sprang. Hence the book is the best defense 
against the dangerous physical epidemics, which, 
not yet existing as a derivative of literature while 
the ages were crude and ignorant, were a power- 
ful can- cial disturbance. Like the anti- 
toxine injected to protect the sick from the bacillus 
which produces the anti-toxine, it is transformed 
into a remedy against the contagion that proceeds 
from it." 

Max Nordau, whose remarkable work ,l Degen- 
eration '" aroused the country, answered Ferrero 



1^8 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



L ,> 



in the July number, 1895, of The Forum. To 
recommend degenerate books to neurotic or hys- 
terical readers — and he believes that every human 
mind contains every species of aberration and de- 
lirium in the germ — Nordau declares, is not to 
vaccinate but to innoculate them. He 
" Could I but relate the moral devastations trace- 
able to the reading of Nietzsche and Ibsen which 
I have seen in actual life ! It is the selfsame in- 
fluence which, in the last century, was produced 
by Goethe's ' Werther. 1 For it is a well-known 
fact that as a result of reading this romance 
numerous young fools put bullets through their 
heads. Those who considered the book respon- 
sible for the suicidal epidemic were answered : 
1 The case of those young men is hardly worthy 
of commiseration, since they destroyed themselves 
after reading ' Werther.' They were irrespon- 
sible and useless. Their case was hopeless long 
before the first word of ' Werther ' was written/ 
That may be. Certainly no well-balanced man 
would shoot himself as the consequence of reading 
'Werther.' It is, however, equally certain that 
many an exalted fool, many a young neurotic, 
did destroy himself in a state of momentary de- 
pression, as an act suggested by 4 Werther, 1 who 
otherwise might very possibly have continued in 
long years of wholesome usefulness, if that book 
had not come into his hands." 



THE DEVIL IX INK. 1 39 

He adds this further illustration: "Take a 
hysterica] woman controlled by her lower nature, 
experiencing rithout pain the constraints of 

duty : those whom she nd trusts have 

taught her the creed of ty and resistance to 

temptation. impulse, she I 

sobriety and her own esteem. She now makes 
the acquaintance of a dramatist and novelist, 
who demons a girl a woman has the 

privilege to yield to her erotic impulses, and 
when married to break her vow-, presupposing 
she feel the inclination and pleasure; and that 
such behavior under these inclinations portrays 
a strong and interesting character: while, on the 
other hand, she shows herself stupid, unpro- 
gressive, and slavish if she denies herself all this. 
With what joy will she not profess herself a dis- 
ciple of this charming moralist 

In a tl ful editorial on this controve: 

between Ferrer Nbrdau, the Chicago Trib- 

... 1st 4th, remarks: "Nordau is 

waging a g s battle and he deserves ^en- 

forcement, lie has arrayed against him the 
solid rank- of degenerates, lunatic-, and madmen, 
of morbid men and hy- len, of fashion- 

able faddists How books an 

of Bradleys and Bear-'. \ith tli 

1 Munets, with their 
.en and green men. of maudlin, fash- 



140 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

ionable young women, of Ibsenites and Tolstoiites, 
of notoriety seekers, of symbolism and mysticism, 
of neurotic and erotic creatures in a state of ex- 
altation which finds its gratification in the works 
of the degenerates in literature, music, and art. 
It is a long, hard battle he has to fight, but he 
will win in the end. Degeneracy does not. as 
Ferrero claims, inject an antitoxine into the read- 
er's mind. On the contrary, as Nordau insists, 
it poisons and ruins it. The proof lies in the fact 
that immorality was never so rampant and crime 
so abundant as they are to-day." 

Here, then, is testimony both from a scientific 
specialist and a layman of the press, confirmatory 
of the position of the moralist. Nay, Jesus him- 
self anticipated this conclusion more than eighteen 
hundred years ago, in these memorable words ; 
" Do men gather grapes of thorns or figs of this 
ties? Even so every good tree bringeth forth 
good fruit ; but a corrupt tree bringeth forth cor- 
rupt fruit. A good tree can not bring forth evil 
fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good 
fruit. Ever}' tree that bringeth not forth good 
fruit is hewn down and cast into the fire. Where- 
fore by their fruits ye shall know them." 

Why read unwholesome literature when there 
is so much within easy reach which is whole- 
some ? Read history, which, 'according to Lord 
Bacon, makes men wise. Read biography; there 



Tin-: i>i:vn. in ink. 141 

1 moral tone in it. Horace Greeley said that 
Franklin's autobiography first fired his ambition 
to be and do something. Franklin himself asserts 
that two books in the slender library of his father. 
viz., IV - Essay on Projects," and Dr. Ma- 
ther - lo Good," gave him a turn of 
thinking which had an influence on some oi the 
principal future events of his life. Read the 
standard novels— Scott, Dickens, Thackeray. 
Charlotte Bronte, George Eliot. M A good book,'' 
said Milton, M is the precious life-blood of a mas- 
ter spirit embalmed and treasured up on purpose 
j beyond life." 
Christian citizens should combine to say to the 
unclean devil in the ink — 'Come out!" De- 
prived of their literature, the vices would "dwin- 
dle, peek and pine." Letters would become an 
iration. The myriad leaves, like the leaves 
of the ti would be for the healing of the 
nation. 



VIII. 

Tin: AMERICAN SUNDAY. 

Ttik allied abuses which have now been de- 
scribed as encamped in the arena where Christian 
citizens are called upon to combat them, with 
their literary annex, are always reconnoitering, 

with a view to discover the surest point of attack. 
They find in the American Sunday the Gibraltar 
of law and order. Hence the battle rages around 

this rampart. 

God commands us to set apart a seventh portion 
of time to religious US These consecrated 

hours are named the Lord*s Day. This day is 

the old Jewish Sabbath transferred by the author- 
ity of inspired apostles and the practice of the 

Apostolic Church to the first day of the week, 
and it carries the selfsame sanction of the Deca- 
logue, which hallowed the seventh day under the 
Mosaic dispensation. Our Christian forefathers in- 
corporated it in the public law of America. In legal 
language it is dies non — does not exist for secular 
business and pleasure. On the Lords Day the 
National and State Legislatures hold no sessions. 
the higher courts do not sit, the exchanges are 
closed, the banks are shut, places of amusement 
142 



THE AMERICAN SUNDAY. I (.3 

are, as a rule, barred and bolted. It is God's 

stop day for mankind. Enter a factory just before 
the dinner-hour. The whizzing oi wheels, the 
rattling of shuttles, the rumble of heavy machin- 
ery — these sounds, with the rapid motion of every- 
thing around, are overwhelming. The building 
shaken as under the tread of an earthquake. Sud- 
denly, on the ringing of a bell, the engine stops, 
and all is still. Such is the Lord's Day in the 
it factory of human toil. Its sanitary value is 
unspeakably great. It acts as an equalizer of the 
disturbed system. Its moral value is even greater. 
Overtaxed worker, thou may's! pause ! Anxious 
brain, tranquilize thyself! Exhausted nature, 
recruit thy powers ! Poor groveler, look up and 
worship ! 

Such is the Sabbath in the purpose of its insti- 
tution. Such it was in the practice of the earlier 
Hebrews. It was a sacred pause in the ordinary 
labor by which bread was earned. The curse of 
the fall was suspended for a day. Nay, one- 
enth part of time was redeemed and new-con- 
rated to human welfare. Having spent this 
Divine space in the remembrance and recital of 
,'s mercies, the Hebrew had a fresh start in his 
course of labor. Joy was the keynote of the 
Mosaic Sabbath. It was a day of special reli- 
gious worship in the sanctuary. It was a day of 
ial ethical instruction in the home. Later, 



144 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the Pharisees invented a legion of restrictions re- 
specting the Sabbath, of which we find nothing in 
the original institution and observance. The 
Pharisaic Sabbath was fantastic and arbitrary — a 
burden lk grievous to be borne. M Unhappily , the 
Puritans — moral giants, the saviors of liberty in 
England, as even Hume, the Tory historian, 
admits, in most respects ahead of their age, yet 
here in fault — borrowed their conception of the 
Sabbath from the Pharisees. They resurrected 
and revitalized many of the old dead prohibitions 
which Christ himself had condemned ; and these 
unscriptural, man-made restrictions they enacted 
into law, and imposed on the neck of reluctant 
men and women as a yoke. In this way the 
Lord's Day was obscured and discredited in Eng- 
land and in New England, nor has it yet recov- 
ered from the misconception created by the sad 
mistake of those good people. 

We are to go back to the Mosaic institution, 
and, above all, to the precept and practice of the 
Lord of the day and of His disciples, for our 
methods of observing the Sunday. In doing this 
we discover that four points are involved. 

i. The Lord's Day is to be an occasion for pub- 
lic worship. The Jews so regarded it. This was 
Christ's own practice; ' J And, as His custom was," 
affirms St. Luke, " He went into the synagogue 
on the Sabbath Dav. ' ' After the change from the 



Tin-: AMERICAN SUNDAY, 145 

seventh to the first day of the week, the Apostolic 
Church was equally scrupulous not to forsake this 
sembling together, 

2, Sunday is a home day. This is implied in 
the very name — /w/-day. Households come to- 
The husband and wife leisurely enjoy 
the gifts >d. The father, whirled away 

through the work-a-day week, on Sunday gathers 
his children around his knees. A large part of 
time may be rightly devoted to domestic re- 
union and intercourse, 

dp and the family being provided for. 

the kindly offices of friendships and neighborhood 

justly claim attention. There can be no valid 

objection to an hour of sober recreation among 

friends and neighbors, to the interchange of 

thought, to a comparison of experiences, to the 

cultivation of our social nature, if we do not neg- 

r and" more important interests. 

4. S ■ Sunday we are set free from cares 

and duties which absorb our time and attention 

b the other days of the week, we should 

be eager, like our Lord, to run upon errands of 

•1 will — to visit the sick, instruct 

the ignorant. SUCCOr the needy, and do works of 

mer 

A Sunday thus partly in God's house, 

tly in our own dear home, partly among friends 
and partly in good works, will 



146 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP, 

provide enough for us to do that is fit and decor- 
ous, and will leave little time and less inclination 
for sinful, or even questionable, practices. A 
habit of so passing the day, when once formed, 
will make us happy in it, and a source of happi- 
ness to others. It would supply us with occupa- 
tion, but of a different kind from, and of a higher 
kind than, the bread-and-butter hunt of the 
other days. Soon we would find ourselves anti- 
cipating its advent with enthusiasm. The perni- 
cious notion would be banished forever that this 
day is a restriction set upon our liberty, an un- 
welcome invasion of our time, a sacrifice to be 
offered, and a cross to be borne. The Lord's 
Day would be recognized as one of God's best 
gifts to man — as the couch of toil, a truce with 
care, the sunshine of the week, poverty's birth- 
right, and the soul's market-day. 

The practical question is this ; Possessing 
such a day by the Divine commandment, in the 
settled custom of the nation, and in the long- 
established recognition and sanction of public 
law, are we ready to surrender it, or essentially 
to change its character ? Of course, legislation 
cannot, and should not, bind indifferent or hostile 
people to the Christian observance of the Sunday. 
But it does, and ought to, secure for all an oppor- 
tunity so to observe it, and to defend all observ- 
ers in their observance. 



THE AMERICAN SUNDAY, 147 

The assault upon the American Sunday is made 
by four very different but eo-operating class 
The first class consists of the vicious, who covet 
this day above all other days for vice, because it 
is the common day of leisure ; and it follows Sat- 
urday, which is the usual pay-day, so that the 
masses are more likely to have money on Sunday 
than on any other day in the week. 

The second class is composed of that part of 
our population which is of foreign birth and 
breeding. Cradled in a civilization antagonistic 
to ours, brought up to look on Sunday either as a 
work-day or as a mere holiday, they are restless 
under the wholesome restraints which distinguish 
it in the United States. Some of them wish to 
use it for pleasure, others for business. And be- 
cause our customs and laws discountenance such 
abuses, they hate a legalized Sunday. 

The third class is made up of recreant Ameri- 
cans of wealth and social position, who ape 
French manners. When they die these Europe- 
anized Yankees think they will go to Paris — like 
a certain cardinal, who said he had rather have 
his part in Paris than in Paradise. Accustomed 
to borrow the fashions of their raiment and the 
-oning of their food, as well as such dubious 
literature as they are capable of mastering, from 
a land in which the Lord's Day is conspicuously 
disesteemed, as Bishop Potter, of New York, 



I4<S CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP, 

pointed out some time ago, they have recently 
taken to borrowing its Sunday customs. With 
abundant leisure all the week to do nothing, they 
think they can not better employ the Lord's 1 1 
than by making it the occasion of their most 
ostentatious pleasure-seeking. 

The fourth class, very small but very noisy and 
very active, is congregated in a knot of infidels 
and agnostics, organized into a propaganda called 
"The American Secular Union," one of whose 
avowed objects is the destruction of the Lord's 
Day. 

Unhappily, these four classes are powerfully 
reenforced by the daily press of the o >untry. The 
Sunday editions of the newspapers constitute the 
most formidable and the most insiduous peril of 
the daw Even church-goers are often beguiled 
by the attractive display they make as they are- 
served up hot with the Sunday breakfast — the 
largest and the most interesting of the week — into 
skipping Divine service, in order to learn about 
the world, the flesh, and the devil. Aside from 
their practice, the journals openly array them- 
selves against the American Sunday, sometimes 
in the way of direct assault, oftener by innu- 
endo. Some newspapers profess to be indifferent 
— like the priest of whom Luther tells, who, 
when the Papists told him to pray in one form, 
and the Protestants in another, ended by repeat- 



Tin: AMERICAN SUNDAY. 149 

ing the alphabet, and begging the Lord to frame 
a prayer agreeable to himself. But this affected 
neutrality reveals the unfriendliness. 

We do not write this in the way of complaint. 
It is to be expedted. As it is the function of the 

fe "to hold the mirror up to nature/' so it 
is the function o\ the daily press to reflect time 
and sense. A newspaper is an instantaneous 
photograph of the world at the moment ol publi- 
cation. A photographer might as well be ex- 
pedled to be a leader of thought as a journal. In 
the one case, as in the other, the business is picture- 
taking, not leadership. The press borrows its 
tone from its readers. Karl Russell used to say 
that it was with a politician as with a snake — the 
tail moves the head. When a newspaper seems 
to lead it resembles that captain of militia in the 
Civil War who ordered his men to charge, and 
then got behind the nearest stone wall to see how 
it worked. 

the ability and influence of the 

lilies; nor can it be said that they are not. 

rule, edited in the interest of good govern - 

nt. But they are necessarily worldly. They 
>f the world, to the world, for the world. 
When the world is Christian, they will be Chris- 
tian. Until then we must expeet them to mirror 
the prevailing sentiment of their constituency. 

Fretting under the mild restrictions of the 



150 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

American Sunday, and seeking for some decent 
pretext for an attack upon it, the four classes 
described, aided by the daily press, have hit upon 
a taking war-cry. For a number of years past 
they have been demanding the opening of the 
public libraries and museums. Are not these 
public institutions? they ask triumphantly. And 
is not Sunday a public holiday ? Then why not 
allow the poor people, over- worked, and without 
opportunity six days in the week, to feast their eyes 
on the master-pieces of art, and to improve their 
minds by reading the great writers, on their one 
day of leisure? Such is the reasoning i)i these 
M friends of the people." Misled by its specious- 
ne.\ss, a number of towns have thrown their mu- 
seums and libraries open on the Sunday. 

Christian citizens oppose this policy, because 
the fourth commandment forbids it : " Remember 
the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Six days shalt 
thou labor, and do all thy work : But the seventh 
day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God ; in it 
thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, 
nor thy daughter, thy man-servant nor thy maid- 
servant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that i^ 
within thy gates." 

A Syrian convert was urged by his employer to 
work on the Lord's day. He declined. " But," 
said the master, " does not your Bible say that if 
a man has an ass or an ox that falls into a pit on 



Till-: AMKR1CAN SUNDAY, I 5 I 

the Sabbath day, ho may pull him out?" To 
which the convert replied: " Yes ; but if the ass 
has a habit of falling into the same pit every Sab- 
bath, then the man should either fill up the pit or 
sell the ass." 

Patriotic citizens, whether Christians or not, 
lit to withstand these insidious assaults. For 
they are directed against immemorial American 
:id tradition. Our observance of Sunday 
S distinctively American, as the public schools 
and the ballot-box. Imagine the indignation that 
would blast the man or woman who should pro- 
pose the abolition of the free-school system ; or 
who should lay a sacrilegious hand upon that ark 
of political liberty, the ballot-box. Yet the Amer- 
ican Sunday is just as distinctively an American 
institution. 

Philanthropic citizens should rally to the de- 

se <»! tlic Sunday. It is a sanitary rampart. 

This phase of it concerns every one - Jew and 

utile, believer and agnostic. The religious as- 

pect of the day depends for its maintenance upon 

the individual Christian. The Sunday, as a rot 

, appeal^ to the whole community. One of 

the oldest and purest of Supreme Court Judges, 

Justi I Id, has forcibly said: "Laws setting 

le Sund day of rest are upheld, not from 

ht of the government to legislate for the 

ious observances, but from the 



152 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

right to protect all persons from the physical and 
moral debasement which comes from uninterrupt- 
ed labor. Such laws have always been deemed 
beneficent and merciful laws, especially to the 
poor and dependent, to the laborers in our fac- 
tories and workshops, and in the heated rooms of 
our cities; and their validity has been sustained 
by the highest courts of the United States." 

The opening of the museums and libraries 
would deprive the custodians of these institutions 
of their Sunday relief from labor, and chain them 
like galley-slaves to the oar. The reply sometimes 

offered, that it would be no hardship, if these in- 
stitutions were closed on another day of the week 
for as many hours as they might be opened on the 
Sunday, is unsatisfactory for two reasons: first, 
because it would hurt the conscience of Christian 
employes to work on the Lord's Day, and next, 
because, presumably, to all the employes, as to 
other people, Sunday has a value | d by no 

other day. Then only can they meet all the mem- 
bers of their own households, then only can they 
join in the public worship of God, then only can 
they share in a common boon. To say to tlies^- 
employes — We can not give you Sunday, set 
apart by the laws and custom of the land as a 
common rest day ; we really must work you on 
Sunday, but you can have a slice off of Thursday 
— this is manifest injustice and oppression. It 



Till-: AMERICAN SUNDAY. 1 53 

can only be : . as the Sunday opening of the 

drug . or the work of the physician is justi- 

fied, on the ground of public necessity. 

Those citizens who, tor any reason, value the 
. may well oppose this scheme, because it 
has failed always and everywhere. The Mercan- 
tile Library, and the Cooper Institute reading- 
room, in New York, were opened some years ago. 
They were poorly patronized. In the case of the 
Mercantile Library it was found that books drawn 
Sunday could be drawn on Saturday without 
serious inconvenience. At the Cooper Institute 
it was speedily discovered that the reading-room 
- made a bummers 1 roost by loungers, who 
turned into it to get out of the cold, and nodded 
and dozed while pretending to read. 

The Columbian Fair, in Chicago, was opened 

on Sundays against the protest of the Christian 

public, in breach of public law, and after accept- 

•nal donation conditioned upon its 

sure. The opening was, as it deserved to be, 

failure, both in attendance and in 

The poorer d behalf the 

tfessed to open the door-, | 

end their Sundays in the beer gardens 

in the open fields beyond the city. 

The beautiful grounds of Jackson Park, and the 

of the buildings, so animated on other 

pled only with solitude on th 



154 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

open Sundays. Indeed, wherever and whenever 
such experiments have been tried, they have be- 
gun in fraud and ended in failure. Why aggra- 
vate these frauds and multiply the failures ? 

It has been contended that the museums and 
libraries should be opened on Sunday in the in- 
terest of popular education — meaning intellectual 
and esthetic development. But education is a 
comprehensive term. It properly includes the 
moral as well as the mental faculties — the whole 
being, [ntelledtualistn alone is awry and danj 
ous. It should seem that every scholar must 
know that the study of art does not necessarily 
promote morality. Neither does literary pro- 
ficiency. We all know, or know of, artists and 
litterati who are more heathenish than the heathen 
— more Philistine than Goliath of Gath. The 
very chief of the esthetes in our day, Oscar 
Wilde, was imprisoned for a crime too base to 
name. In Athens the artistic and literary period 
was precisely the epoch of grossest degeneracy. 
Demosthenes thundered, but the people quailed 
and surrendered to Philip. They knew which 
way a Greek accent ought to slant, but neither 
knew, nor cared to know, how to keep the per- 
pendicular themselves. They worshiped pictures 
and statues, poems and orations, and despised 
men and women. What is true of Greece is 
equally true of ancient Rome — which w T as ener- 



Till-: AMERICAN SUNDAY. 155 

vated by what moderns call culture. And so in 

the Middle Ages. The dreariest midnight Of 
immorality occurred when art and literature were 
most flourishing under Pope Leo X. and the 
Florentine Medici. Take Paris to-day. "Fis a 
beautiful body without a soul — like Hawthorne's 
hero in '* The Marble Fawn." Art and literature 
Mont Blanc ; morality is as low down 
the Vale of Chamouni. Art labors to decorate 
vice, and literature exists to pen bon mots against 
virtue. 

What, then ! Shall art and literature be done 
away ? Not so. Both may be, and often are, 
handmaids of morality. But as substitutes for 
morality, or as teachers of morality, the}' are the 
detected frauds of history. What Sunday should 
teach is religion. When it is proposed to open the 
museums and libraries as rivals of the churches, 
and to preach estheticism and intelledtualism in- 
d of Christianity on Sunday, it is time to 
point out the defects of such a scheme of educa- 
tion. 

The truth is that this whole claim is dishonest. 
Those who make it, instead of seeking to be- 
friend the people, would, in fact, deprive them of 
their Sunday altogether. Their real purpose IS 
self-advantage. They intend to introduce here 
I naturalize the Sunday of continental Europe 
he Paris and Vienna Sunday. Some of these 



I56 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

special pleaders want to push their business oil 
Sunday, and to get an extra day's work out of 
their employes for the wages they now pay lor the 
labor of six days. ( Khers desire to Coney-Islandize 
the Sunday — to fuddle it with beer and desecrate 
it with the clatter of glasses clicking an accom- 
paniment to the coarse melodies of the r; 
bouffe. On this ground Archbishop Corrigan, of 
New York, one of the leaders of the Roman 
Catholic Church, in a letter written some time 
ago, did not hesitate to condemn the attempt. 
"As I understand it," he said, "the movement 
for opening the museums and libraries on Sunday, 
though advocated in the interest of the working 
classes, is really the entering wedge of a larger 
and insiduous design, which aims at throwing open 
also on that day the theaters, drinking-saloons, 
and other places of amusement, and so gradually 
to do away with everything that gives Sunday a 
sacred character. To destroy the general relig- 
ious observance of Sunday would be a national 
calamity." 

'Tis a significant fact that these appeals never 
issue from the working classes. They areshrewd 
and intelligent enough to understand that the ex- 
istence of Sunday as a rest-day depends upon the 
continued recognition of its sanctity. Destroy 
this and the Sunday would soon be lost in the 
huddle of secular days and concerns. First, 



TllK AMERICAN SUNDAY. 157 

pleasure would degrade it. then greed would put 
an end even to pleasure. Such is the history o\ 

Sunday secularization. Therefore, those laborers 
who value the rest which Sunday brings, look 
with suspicion upon these attempts to secularize 
the day. " When the true conception of the 
Lord's Day yields/' remarks the Rev. Dr. C. S. 

binson, ''everything religious seems to glide 
away down stream with it. A curious mixture of 
laxity and levity perverts even names and things 
into grotesque forms of presentation. In Paris 
there is one >treet called the Rue de Paradis — 

et of Paradise, and there is another called Rue 
d ' Enfi r — street of Hell. On every Sunday both 
of these are thronged with miscellaneous hosts of 

ughtless people who have apparently just 
1m .tight their gay garments at a store called a V Bu- 
rn — the infant Jesus, or, at the rival store 
^lled an bon Diable — the good devil. 
There they promenade and exhibit themselves, 
laugh and drink and sing, while the four- 

' candles that they furnish to do their vica- 
rious Sabbath worship in the vacant churches, 
burn and flare and smoke before the image of the 

'.ected Virgin Mary. Does anybody want this 
hollowness and confusion domesticated in Amer- 
ica ? 

It is urged that the Sunday is already largely 
Sund travel. Sunday excur- 



158 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

sions, Sunday concerts, Sunday journals, Sunday 
bicyclists, abound. Well, two wrongs do not 
make a right, any more than one virtue and two 
vices make a saint. Is the fact that the American 
Sunday is desecrated in some directions a reason 
why we should fall to and dishonor it in all direc- 
tions? Is not this like saying that because one 
member of the family has the small-pox, therefore 
the entire household should be infected? When 
one member of the family lias the small-pox, the 
Board of Health steps in and enforces a quaran- 
tine. Precisely so the fact that the Sunday is al- 
ready widely secularized is a fresh argument to 
impel Christian citizens to use every possible 
means, moral and legal, to maintain and strengthen 
the sacred barriers that remain. Commanded by 
God, grouted in the habits and in the statute 
the nation, shall we not prize the Sunday, both as 
a divine and as an American institution? As, 
under God, our fathers gave it to us, so let us 
hand it down unimpaired to our children. In the 
past it has been, in the present it is, and in the 
future it will be, the creator and conservator of 
the noblest features of individual and national 
character. 



IX. 



RELATION OF YOUNG PEOPLES SOCIETIES TO 
CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

A: Wellington, at Waterloo, sighed for the 
coming of Blncher, and when he came speedily 
won the battle, so have the veteran fighters for 
civic righteousness longed for the appearance of 
the gallant young soldiers of the cross, who are 
now rushing into the arena with ringing hurrahs 
and waving banners, and with this timely reen- 
forcement they too will conquer. 

When Francis E. Clark solved the problem of 
setting the young converts of the Williston Con- 
gational Church, in Portland, Maine, at work, 
he solved it for all America. To-day there is 
hardly an individual church which has not its 
Young Peoples' Society. And these local soci- 
eties are compacted into vast state and national or- 
ganizations, denominational and inter-denomina- 
tional, which are a recognized power at present, 
and which will dominate the future. Most of 
these local societies — Christian Endeav* >r \ Fnions, 
vorth Leaj Baptist Young Peoples' 



l6o CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Unions, Westminster Leagues, and others, a 
goodly and ever-swelling list — already have 
Christian Citizenship Committees, or will soon 
have them. Their existence- presupposes an in- 
terest in civic affairs. The practical question is, 
along what lines shall this interest move into 
action ? 

The first step must he study. Each committee 
on Christian citizenship ought to make itself a 
center of civic intelligence. Little can be done, 
and nothing effe&ively, without knowledge. The 
literature of Christian civics IS as yet small ; but 
such hooks and chapters, such periodicals and 
pamphlets as bear upon this new science should 
find a place on the shelves of a convenient library, 
and be summarized at the meetings from time to 
time in addresses or essays. Ledtures, too, by 
acknowledged experts should he made a feature 
of the winter's work — lectures which should 
instruct and inspire not only the local body, but 
the community. 

The sub-topics for thought and action compre- 
hend : 

i. Municipal Rkform. — Since the partial re- 
demption of New York, Chicago, Boston, Pitts- 
burg, and other populous centers, public attention 
has been directed to the increasing importance of 
cities, to their peculiar perils, to their domination 
bv the worst classes through the neglect of the 



YOUNG PEOPLES' SOCIETIES. 161 

better classes, to the possibility of their political 
salvation — which many have doubted until re- 
cently — and to the continental necessity for muni- 
cipal reform. 

Young people who object to going into politics 
can and should exert their influence to take town 
matters out of politics, to defeat incompetent or 
corrupt candidates, to create a healthy public 
opinion, and to put this warmly and executively 
behind a faithful, uuseetarian and non-partizan 
administration of affairs. 

Law and Order. — Every saloon, even though 
licensed, is a frequent and flagrant offender in one 
way or another against the law. Every house of 
ill-fame is illegal. Every gambling den is banned 
by statute. All need watching, not only by offi- 
5, who are often in collusion with them, but by 
incorruptible friends of law and order. If a town 
were divided into small districts, and each dis- 
trict were put under the supervision of one or 
more Christian citizenship committees, a vigilant 
rol would be possible and easy. 

2. SOCIAL Conditions. — Here, again, atten- 
tion should be paid to proper territorial divi- 
>uly so much ground as can be 
red. Riddle this with light. Let 
Christian influence radiate out to help and heal 
S initary, economic and domestic ways of work. 



l62 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

What ignorance does not know, what indifference 
does not care to ask for, what poverty can not get, 
Christian workers, well-informed and determined, 
and with proper backing, can command. As the 
laws now stand, there is no reason, save a crimi- 
nal public preoccupation and indifference, why 
child-labor should be allowed, or why sweating- 
rooms should exist as sources of epidemic dis- 
ease, or why the homes of the poor should not be 
as wholesome as those of the rich, or why rascally 
employers should not be compelled to pay deserv- 
ing employes, with the addition of the cost of 
collection to the sum owed, or why the young 
should not be taught in manual training-schools 
how to make an honest living, or why public 
parks should not be opened in congested quarters 

of great towns, so that poverty shall be able to 
breathe, or why working people of both s< 

should not be provided with cheap but decent 
lodgings, or why cooperation in a hundred direc- 
tions should not be encouraged — cooperation, 
which, as some thinkers believe, contains the 
promise and potency of a satisfactory solution to 
all concerned of the vexed problem of capital and 
labor. Much could be done through local cen- 
ters of consecrated effort to secure public baths 
and lavatories, outing clubs for sickly mothers and 
children, fresh-air funds, and, in general, the best 
available facilities for building up a sound body. 



YOUNG PEOPLES' SOCIETIES. [63 

Christians who possess this knowledge arc trus- 
tees, and hold it for the benefit of those who have 
it not. 

The important thing is to personalize duty. 
The measure of responsibility is power. Christians 
are responsible lor the continued existence of 
abuses and nuisances which they can abate or 
abolish with proper effort. The question, kl Am 
I my brother's keeper? M did not condone Cain's 
sin against his brother, nor will it condone ours. 
Bread-riots and work-riots, labor outbreaks, and 
the revolt of those who have nothing against 
se who have everything, shaking the social 
fabric as by an earthquake, and imperiling the 
sions and safety of men and women who sit 
in high places — are rude but necessary interrup- 
tions which compel inquiry, and press home upon 
US the truth of human solidarity, our common re- 
lationship, and our common concern in the social 
te. 

itation will cure many ills of the body poli- 
tic. Authorities assert that forty per cent, of the 
distress among the poor is due to drunkenir 
But drunkenness itself is a result of bad environ- 
( hrercrowded and stuffy homes drive men 
lloon for room and recreation. The saloons 
• Club-rooms of the poor- one secret of 
their vitality. A number of years ago a New 
tmmittee sed thai u cer« 



164 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

tain conditions and associations of human life and 
habitation are the prolific parents of corresponding 
habits and morals/' and recommended lk the pre- 
vention of drunkenness by securing for every one 
a clean and comfortable home." Against dan: 
from without our system of government off 
shelter and defense. Against dangers from within 
it can only protect itself by uniting all hearts in a 
common brotherhood of love, based on justice and 
contentment. Lowell's question, put lou 
repeats itself in deeper tones to-day 

Think ye that building shall endure 



Which shelters the nol >le and crushes the poor ? ' ' 

Whoever would have an answer may find it 
in the French revolution. 

As Mordecai is persuading Ksther to undertake 
the salvation of the Jews imperiled by the kir. 
decree, said to her, ' ' Who knoweth whether thou 
art come to the kingdom for such a time as this 
so we would ask whether the young people's so- 
cieties have not been divinely raised up to meet 
present emergencies ? Older Christians are chained 
in prejudice, bound to party, habituated to the 
existing situation, and callous through custom. 
The juniors are filled with the new spirit of the 
new day, and are fired by its larger hope. They 
are free from prejudice, care nothing for party, 



YOUNG PEOPLES' SOCIETIES. 

e as an instrument, and are sympathetic with 
the sin and sorrow around about them, both 
through youth and through principle. Facing 
the questions of the day, may they grapple with 

them as Elijah grappled with the questions of his 
. and answer them with the answer which 
Christ would give. 



X. 

ORGANIZATION — BASIS, OBJECTS, AND METHODS. 

Ix even- age Christianity demands a special 
application to meet characteristic conditions. The 

Apostolic Church was occupied in laying Chris- 
tian foundations. At the period of the Reforma- 
tion the doctrines of religion needed a Biblical 

statement as against prevailing heresies, which 
masqueraded in the garb of orthodoxy. Under 
Wesley and Whitefield a new demonstration \ 
given of the power of the Holy Ghost to revivify 
dead forms of faith. In our day, the mission of 
the church is largely sociological. 

The first and great commandment, love to God, 
has not been over-emphasized, hut the second, 
love to our neighbor, has been under-emphasized. 
They go together . Either alone is a half- part. 
The first results in pietism ; the second produces 
humanitarianism. When they are combined we 
have Christianity. An oarsman using but one 
oar, rows in a circle, with both oars, he pulls 
straight and forges ahead. Those churches which 
are based too largely on the love of God, and 
those other churches which are founded exclus- 

166 



ORGANIZATION. [67 

ivelv on the love of man, must marry and beget 

I works towards God and man. 
Dean Hurlbert, ot the Chicago Theological 
ninary, in a passage of rare power, remarks 
that " the evangelical church, numbering 13,500,- 
000 communicants, stoutly denies that unaided 
human power can save this country, and as stoutly 
affirms that Divine power present in Christianity 
can perpetuate it. In her criticism and rejection 
of other agencies, she provokes a challenge of her 
own. The enemy of the church, appealing to 
Christian history, seeks to discredit her claims by 
showing that she is weakest to-day in her original 
strongholds, and strongest in lands which were 
then unknown ; that in the Roman Empire she 
was herself submerged in a baptized heathenism; 
and that, after a trial of two thousand years, 
church formality and spiritual deadness are the 
.lit of modern France, Italy, v Spain, and Ger- 
many. What assurance is there that history is 
not to repeat itself in the Western world ? The 
Americans are inclined to l prove all things/ 
Christianity included. She does not go unchal- 
lenged. Certainly, never was there a fairer 
chance to show her power and prove her claim-. 
No obnoxious restrictions are put upon her. She 

rs under no arbitrary and unnatural dis- 
advantage-. The State Suffers no interference 
with her faith or worship. The Constitution pro- 



1 68 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

vides that ' no religious test shall ever be required 
as a qualification to any office of public trust 
under the United States,' and that ' Cong- 
shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 1 
A code of ethics whose truth and worth are mani- 
fest to enlightened reason constitutes that 'gen- 
eral Christianity,' which the courts have held to 
be the common law of the land. Milton said : 
1 Though all the winds of doctrine were let la 
upon the earth, so truth be among them, we need 
not fear. Let her and falsehood grapple. Who 
ever knew her to be put to the worst in a 
free and open encounter?' In free and open 
America Christianity is thrust into this 
and open encounter. 1 Satanic forces are seek 
the nation's ruin ; Christian forces her 

defense. Force faces force. The issues 
joined. The conflict is on, and is irresitible — 
it is a lile-and-death struggle. Christianity herself 
can not escape. She lias no option — she must 
fight. Retreat means defeat. This moment 
encounter will decide whether Christianity is 
stronger than the opposition. Christianity is on 
trial — she will never have a fair chance. Num- 
bers, wealth, intelligence, social standing, mani- 
fold resources are on her side. She is trying to 
win the most unprejudiced, open-hearted, clean- 
skinned, clear-brained people on the face of the 



ORGANIZATION . 1 69 

earth. Now is the time, and here is the place, to 
vindicate her an anscendent claims. If she 

1 not triumph here, where on earth can she 
triumph ? ' If she has run with the footmen and 
they have wearied her, then how can she contend 
with hoi If she can not rule her own ho v. 

and have her own children in subjection, how can 
she take care of the rest of the world ? The 
challenger of our faith meets us with the in- 
quiry : How is it that Christianity, decrying all 
other remedies, is failing to apply her own ? 
What means this degeneracy in modern times 
which Christianity seems incapable of arresting ? 
Why is it that vices and corruption are spreading 
with terrific rapidity — to which Christianity is 
offering only a feeble barrier ? All sorts of direful 
evils are on the increase — the political powers of 
the saloon increasing ; discontent among wage- 

kers increasing: the misuse of ill-gotten wealth 
incr. the breach between the classes and the 

the estrangement between capi- 
tal and labor increasing; the si: and hatred 
of the churches increasing ; pauperism and crime, 
.1 vice and gambling, skepticism and mate- 
rialism increasing ; the membership in the evan- 
gelical churches increasing ; Christian intelligence 

• cctability increasing. Why in the worl- 
not the political salvation of this nation increas- 
ing ? What is the matter wit! ianity that 



170 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

it stands impotent in the face of these corrupting 
and destroying forces? M 

The answer to these thunder-clap questions is, 
that hitherto Christianity has lacked organization. 
It has wrought in a sporadic way, through indi- 
vidual churches, fighting 

" A battle, whose great aim and scope 
They little care to know ; 
Content, like men-at-arms, to cope 

Bach with his fronting I 

It has lacked the power which comes from the 
synthesis of church-life and activity. The gen- 
eralship has been on the Other side. The evils 
which assail the nation are organized and allied. 
vSo are all the great factors of civilization — war, 
commerce, business, politics, education, every- 
thing, except religion. Is it any wonder that in- 
crease of numbers, and wealth, and culture have 
not insured to Christianity a vidtory when it has 
never federated for great common offensive and 
defensive purposes? Discipline is mightier than 
numbers. Have we not seen in our generation 
little Japan, with a small, but disciplined army, 
skilfully led, put to rout the innumerable, but un- 
organized forces of colossal China? The vital 
need of the hour is church union, not a union of 
outward forms, but of spirit and endeavor. 
Whether we shall ever have, or had better have, 
a common formula to express our faith, or one 



ORGANIZATION. 1 71 

liturgy to embody our worship, is a question. 
But if Christianity is to dominate this continent, 
nay, if it is to survive at all, it must bind its ad- 
herents together in triumphant cooperation, and 
swing them into line to fulfil the aspiration of the 
Lord's Prayer. " Thy kingdom coine/' 

In searching for an acceptable basis of union, 
we find it in the fact., of common acknowledge- 
ment, that Jesus Christ is the Savior not alone of 
the individual, but of society through the individ- 
ual. Every saved man, and every group of saved 
men in every church, is to be a savior — each 
for all and all for each. Christians agree in be- 
lieving that all efforts at social amelioration should 
be made tributary to the bringing all men under 
the law of Christ, and into vital relations with 
Him. For, while it is important that men be 

I housed, well-fed, well-clothed, well-employed, 
and well-governed, it is essential that they be 
bound through brotherhood to the heart and ser- 
vice of the all-Father. Therefore, Christian citi- 

ship is not the end, but only a means to the 
end. 

As to the objects of this union, the first is the 
regeneration of America — because this means the 
regeneration of the earth. It begins to be evi- 
dent that the Anglo-Saxon character and language 
are destined to rule the world. A century 
keen an observer as Franklin thought 



172 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the French people and tongue would dominate. 
Then 42,000,000 spoke French, and only 18,000,- 
000 spoke English. To-day 120,000,000 speak 
English, and 150,000,000 understand it, and the 
foremost of philologists, Prof. Max Midler, con- 
tends that within two centuries English will be- 
come the universal language. 

Already, according to Dr. Clark, " the English 
language, saturated with Christian ideas, is the 
great agent of Christian civilization throughout 
the world, and is molding the character of half 
the human race." By common consent, America 
is the coming custodian of the Anglo-Saxon 
character and language. Listen to a few authori- 
tative voices on both sides of the Atlantic. Alex- 
ander Hamilton has said : "It is ours to be either 
the grave in which the hopes of the world shall 
be entombed, or the pillar of cloud that shall pilot 
the race onward to millenial glory." Matthew 
Arnold has said : " America holds the future." 
Herbert Spencer has said : " The Americans are 
producing a more powerful type of man than has 
hitherto existed," and "may reasonably look 
forward to a time when they will have produced 
a civilization grander than any the world has yet 
known." John Fisk has said: "The world's 
center of gravity has shifted from the Mediterra- 
nean and the Rhine to the Atlantic and the Mis- 
sissippi, from the men who spoke Latin to the men 



ORGANIZATION. 173 

who speak English." Emerson has said : "Amer- 
ica is another name for opportunity. Our whole 
history appears like a last effort of Divine provi- 
dence in behalf of the human race." Ought w T e 
not, therefore, to push Christianizing agencies 
with overwhelming urgency ? 

The second object of Christian union is the 
bringing conscience to bear on the civic life of the 
nation. "A quickened and enlightened con- 
science," observes Dr. Josiah Strong, "is the 
great need of the times in the relation of em- 
ployer and employe in all private business, in all 
public trusts, in politics, and in legislation, muni- 
cipal, State, and national. In whatever sphere 
men ought, there it is the right and duty of the 
Church to urge the dictates of the Christian con- 
nee. But in the unorganized condition of 
the churches there is no medium through which 
the Christian conscience of the city, the State, 
the nation can utter itself. For lack of this sav- 
ing salt, municipal government has rotted, and 
- have become corrupt. Every year 
needed reform legislation fails and laws are enacted 
which do violence to the Christian conscience of 
ite, because there is no medium through 
which that conscience can be brought to bear. 
By such an organization, as is proposed, a legisla- 
ture could be flooded with hundreds of thousands 
1 petition or protest in a single week." 



174 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

On the basis of this general recognition of Jesus 
Christ as the Savior of the social order, and with 
the two-fold object of regenerating America, and 
of bringing the Christian conscience to bear on 
civic life as the means of regeneration, what are 
the proper methods of organization ? 

Happily, the political framework of the country 
supplies US with a suggestive model. The national 
Union is composed of forty-five States. Bach of 
these is distinct and independent in local affairs, 
while in matters of common concern each is rein- 
forced by all the rest. Thus their individual auton- 
omy is jealously guarded, and at the same time the 
overwhelming power of national unity is secured. 
Just so the churches exist in various denomina- 
tional relations. The individual churches are like 
the towns or counties of the State. The denomi- 
nations are like the States themselves. Both 
churches and denominations are proud of their 
independence, and set upon the maintenance 
self-government. Without parting with these pre- 
rogatives of sovereignty, they might come into 
some form of federal union, which should enable 
them quickly to converge their separate influence 
into a unit of power for defense or attack. It is 
not the province of this chapter to sketch in the 
details of such a compact. These can be easily 
manipulated and all discordant interests adjusted, 
when once the desire for inter-denominational 



ORGANIZATION. 1 75 

federation take- possession of the Christian 
heart. 

Meantime, we call attention to the fact that 
some good beginnings have been already made. 
"The National Christian Citizenship League" 
was incorporated some time since, and has auxili- 
aries in a number of States. It is locally an 
unsectarian, non-partizan league of individuals ; 
nationally, a league of leagues. Since neither 
the churches nor the young people's societies can, 
as such, take political action, the members are 
under obligation to enter some outside related 
body through which they can make their Christian 
influence and votes tell for civic righteousness. 
hristian citizenship," remarks Mr. Edwin D. 
Wheelock, the founder and first president of the 
League, "maintains the supreme right of Jesus 
Christ to rule municipal, State, and national life, 
rivate life. These should be governed 
on the principles laid down by him. Upon the 
application of these principles depends the final 
solution of every present-day problem. It belie 
our government to be appointed of God, and 
therefore sacred — too sacred to be left in the 
hands of corrupt men, whatever their party name. 
It believes that the dangers which threaten our 
country ari~ .. th and activity 

of bad men, than from the apathy and cowardice 
of good men. It believes th.it Christian citi/ 



176 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

are called to put their loyalty to Jesus Christ into 
their politics, to serve Him at the primaries, and 
to vote as He would have them vote. It believes the 
Bible to teach obedience to law, and that the office 
of a law-maker or administrator is so sacred that 
to put a bad man into it is sacrilege. The presence 
of a corrupt governor, legislator, mayor, alder- 
man, or judge ought to fill every Christian citizen 
with such an intensity of grief that he will ' cry 
aloud and spare not ' until the evil be corrected. 
The platform of the Leagu f Mows : 

1. M To prevent by personal effort the nomina- 
tion and eleetion of corrupt candidates, and the 
enactment of corrupt laws in city, State and 
nation. 

2. "To secure fidelity on the part of officers 
entrusted with the execution of the laws. 

3. " To exterminate the saloon as the greatest 
enemy of Christ and humanity. 

4. " To preserve the Sabbath. 

5. "To purify and elevate the elective fran- 
chise. 

6. "To promote the study of social wrongs 
and the application of the remedies. 

7. ' ' In general, to seek the reign of whatsoever 
things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, and of 
good report." 

A suggestive constitution for local leagues may 
be found in the Appendix. 



ORGANIZATION. I 77 

"The Evangelical Alliance," an older and 
stronger organization, has recently symmetrized 
itself, by adding to its original spiritual purpose, 
which was the cultivation of Christian fellowship 
and the forwarding of evangelization, a corelative 
Lai department, covering the whole field of 
civics. It is thus the most complete agency in 
stence for all kinds of Christian work, and a 

ssible nucleus of continental Christian union. 
Dr. Josiah Strong, its secretary, is specially con- 
cerned at present in pushing the Christian citizen- 
ship phase of the Alliance. A copy of its consti- 
tution may also be seen in the Appendix. 10 

We turn now from these methods of organiza- 
tion to consider some related matters. The expe- 
rience of a hundred years has revealed certain 
characteristic defects in our political system. We 
boast of ' ' government of the people, by the people, 
and for the people M In reality we have govern- 
ment of the majority, by the majority, and for the 
majority. And no matter how small the majority 
maybe, it is dominant. Nay, what is yet more 
air, we are not unfrequently governed by a 
minority. Suppose, for example, a State to be 
divided between three or four parties, and suppose 
of them to have a preponderance of votesover 
each of the others, although in a minority as 
inst the combined ballots of the opposition. 
A- things now stand, the first party would control 



178 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

legislation. This is government not by majority 
but by plurality. Not only so, but the actual 
majority, because of its divisions, is misrepre- 
sented ; public policies, hateful to it, are adopted 
and administered. Small parties have no repre- 
sentation in legislative bodies, and therefore no 
voice in the discussion of pending measures. 
vSize, if it be small, operates as perpetual disfran- 
chisement. 

To remedy these defects, Proportional Represen- 
tation has been advocated by eminent writers on 
government on both sides of the water — by John 
Stuart Mill, in Europe ; and by Prof. John R. 
Commons, in America. To illustrate the working 
of this scheme, Mr. W. J). McCracken supp 
that M an imaginary State is to elect ten represent- 
atives by means of 1 ,<>< o votes. Then every party 
which can muster one-tenth of the total, or 100 
votes, ought to be entitled to one representative. 
If this imaginary State contains 400 Republicans, 
300 Democrats, 200 Populists, and 100 Prohibi- 
tionists, its legislature should be composed of 4 
Republicans, 3 Democrats, 2 Populists, and 1 
Prohibitionist. Under present conditions, the 
Populists and Prohibitionists could not elect their 
candidates at all, while the slight plurality of 
Republicans would probably allow them to sweep 
the State/' 

Proportional representation has been introduced 



ORGANIZATION. 179 

into certain Swiss cantons, and here it is in use in 
Illinois, in the election of members to the lower 
house of the State legislature ; in Boston, in the 
election of aldermen to the city council ; and it 
was employed in Xew York, in 1S67, in the elec- 
tion of delegates to a State constitutional conven- 
tion. 

The practical difficulty in this country has been 
to find an electoral substitute for the existing 
division into electoral districts, based upon terri- 
torial apportionment — an arrangement which has 
led to, and encouraged, continental " gerryman- 
dering. ' ' Several feasible methods have been elab- 
orated — Hare's plan, the limited vote, the cumu- 
lative vote, etc. One or another of these is in 
actual use : the limited vote, in Boston ; the 
cumulative vote, in Illinois. We lack space to 
methods — those interested are re- 
ferred to books on the general subject. 

ther undemocratic feature of our govern- 
ment is the alienation from the people of a direct 
v<-ice in legislation, and of the power authorita- 
tively to propose it. We have, indeed, the right 
of petition. But the powers that be are under no 
obligation to do anything with a petition beyond 
receiving it, and, practically, this is all that is 
ever done. There is hardly an instance on record 
of legislation introduced by petition. 

With a view to democratic government, two 



180 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

methods of direct popular legislation have been 
recently suggested, viz., the Initiative and the 
Referendum. The first may be defined as an insti- 
tution by which a certain percentage of vol 
may initiate laws ; and the second, as an institu- 
tion by which the whole body of voters may vote 
"yes" or "no" upon the proposition introduced 
by the initiative. In the last analysis, thepra 
is simply this. So many voters — in Switzerland, 
where these institutions are in VOgue, 50,000 — 
are authorized to propose such and such legisla- 
tion, through the medium of the government ; 
which is then obliged to submit the matter thus 
initiated to a direct popular vote. 

The special advantage claimed for these meas- 
ures is that they make it possible for any consid- 
erable number of voters to secure the verdict of 
the people upon any measure which the legislature 
might not be willing to act upon, or might act 
upon adversely to the wishes of its proposers. It 
is difficult, for instance, to get from any legislature 
a favorable response to a petition for a prohib- 
itory law. The initiative and the referendum 
would enable a given number of the friends of 
temperance to demand an expression from the 
people at large, independently of the legislature. 
On the other hand, in prohibitory States, like 
Maine or North Dakota, the saloons could pursue 
the same course for the purpose of overturning 



ORGANIZATION. l8l 

temperance legislation. The larger number of 
the Swiss cantons have adopted the initiative and 
the referendum. Their experiment is being 
watched with eager interest. Meantime it must 
be acknowledged that there is not a consensus of 
opinion among political economists regarding the 
real value of these measures. Perhaps it is too 
early to decide. 

An ingenious theory, which is held by its 
friends to be a panacea, is the Single Tax, elabor- 
ated by Mr. Henry George. By this expedient, 
it is proposed, at one stroke, to obviate all existing 
evils by destroying the vicious principle which, it 
is claimed, begets them — land monopoly; and 
to abate the nuisance of multiform taxes, by em- 
powering each community to collect rent upon the 
lands within its limits, in lieu therefor, thus 
securing a fund warranted to be more than suf- 
ficient to pay all communal expenses. 

We quote a few characteristic sentences on this 
subject from an eminent exponent of the single 
tax : 

11 The most glaring sign of our national corrup- 
tion is the rapid growth of economic inequality. 

''Magnates manipulate all the unparalleled 
natural opportunities of the country, independent 
working-men arc losing their individuality in the 
great army of the employed. Of ( this 

wretched and unnatural state of things is not con- 



182 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

fined to America ; it is characteristic of this latter 
end of the nineteenth century, and is found to a 
greater or lesser degree all the world over. But 
as Americans are of all people the most sensitive 
to the spirit of the age, its tendencies are neces- 
sarily exaggerated with us. Our millionaires at 
one end of the scale, and our tramps at the other, 
are more pronounced specimens of their kind than 
can be found in Europe. The former seem more 
extravagantly luxurious, the latter more abjectly 
miserable, because our vState is founded upon the 
assumption of equality. 

"Economic inequality reacts upon legislation. 
The magnates control the markets, and, therefore, 
make the laws. Special interests require special 
bills. Bribery becomes the ordinary, every-day 
method of law-making. Every corrupting cause 
is followed by its natural effect in a vicious and 
infallible sequence. 

11 But there is one principal injustice which lies 
at the base of this decay of democracy, — the 
monopoly of land with everything that that term 
implies. The great unearned fortunes of this 
country are based on the increment of land values. 
Real estate magnates, oil, mining, lumber, and 
railroad magnates are primarily monopolizers of 
land. They deal in some form of the crust of the 
earth. It is upon this part of their business in- 
terests that they make the most successful specu- 



ORGANIZATION. 183 

lations and accumulate fortunes. Improvements, 

such as houses, mining-, and railroad plants de- 
teriorate with use : land alone increases in value, 
because its supply IS a fixed quantity. 

11 Mere land owners do not perforin any proper 
economic function. They are simply preemptors 
of rights, collectors of toll or rent. It is only in 
ir as they improve their land that they become 
useful members of society. Private property in 
improvements is, therefore, just and logical, but 
private property in mere land bears in its train a 
long series of abuses and tyrannies. 

' • Every succeeding generation requires the use 
of the crust of the earth for all its material needs, 
as it also requires air and water. Food, clothing, 
tools, etc., must all be wrought from land by 
labor. But if some inhabitants arrogate to them- 
selves exclusive rights to the earth's surface, it is 
evident that the rest must make terms with them 
before they can satisfy their simplest wants. Pri- 
vate property in land, therefore, tends inevitably 
to divide men into masters and slaves, no matter 
how carefully political equality may be guarded." 
The single tax seeks to vest the ownership of 
the land in the people, and to award merely the 
of it to individuals — to make it unprofitable 
to hold without improvement, and subject to a tax 
revenue graduated by the degree of such im- 
provement. 



184 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

Yet another fin de Sihclc method of reform 
Arbitration — national, for domestic controversies; 
inter-national, for differences arising between 
foreign states. This, if generally adopted, would 
supersede war, unburden nations by disarmament, 
and put an end to strikes on one hand, and lock- 
outs on the other, by compelling both capital and 
labor to appeal to a Board of Arbitration for a 
friendly settlement of disagreements. 

A question increasingly mooted, nowadays, is 
the public ownership of public franchises — light. 
water, railroads, wharfs, ete. In a previous 
chapter we have spoken of the prominence of 
cities in our daw The trend of civilization IS 
urban. Hence, whatever increases the comfort, 
promotes the health, and widens the horizon of 
life in cities, is of foremost importance. Two- 
thirds of the Scotch people, and three-fourths of 
the English, are now townsfolk. Forty per cent, 
of the French, forty percent, of the Germans, and 
nearly as large a proportion of the Holland 
Belgians, and Italians are grouped in cities ; while 
the urban tendency is as marked in the valley of 
the Danube as it is in the valley of the Mis* 
sippi. The dawn of the industrial era has caused 
this state of things, and made the science of the 
modern town the most vital of any in the ency- 
clopedia. 

Singularly enough, the most radical of people 



ORGANIZATION. 1S5 

must go to the most conservative, the United 
States must go to Great Britain for instruction on 
the subject of municipal collectivism. Manchester 
and Birmingham in England, and Glasgow, in 
Scotland, arc easily the model municipalities of 
the world. They have housed their populations in 
the best tenements, municipalized the gas supply, 
and reduced the cost to 50 or 60 cents per 1,000 
cubic feet : provided municipal lodgings for men 
and women ; purchased the water-works and 
doubled the per capita supply ; absorbed the street 
railways — called tramways there — reduced the 
hour* of the employes, and of the cost of fares ; 
transformed the problem of sewage from a menace 
to the public health into a source of revenue, by 
a system of filtration which makes garbage a fer- 
tilizer : and increased the happiness while decreas- 
ing the burdens of their denizens. Glasgow has 
deepened the Clyde from a fordable stream into 
a river capable of floating vessels of heaviest 
draught ; lined its banks with the greatest ship- 
yards in the world, and municipalized the whole 
harbor — wharfs, ferries, and all, thus securing a 
princely revenue. 

Before we could go safely into such business here, 

we would need to reform our civil service. The 

putting of millions of | is into politics, and 

filling them at the will of party b a reward for 

rvice, would plunge this nation into chaos, 



1 86 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

We catalogue these various projects of reform 
without indorsing them. Since they are urged 
by reputable men, they are entitled to a respectful 
hearing. Christian citizens need large heads, and 
should carry generous hearts hospitable towards 
anything, everything which promises to advance 
the public welfare. St. Paul's dictum applies to 
this whole subject of methods of reform : ' ' Prove 
all things, hold fast that which is good." 



XI. 

"HITCH YOUR WAGON TO A STAR." 

The curse of our age is materialism. We kindle 
only within the sphere of material interests and 
pursuits. On higher subjects we are cold as ice- 
fields on Alpine breasts. There is an apothe 
of dirt among us. Men only half believe in what 
they can not see and touch. They group around 
them the trophies of their skill — steam-engines, 
railroads, telegraphs, sewing-machines, and wor- 
ship these as the ultimate good. 

Since we are infected with this grovelling tend- 
ency, we need to be reminded that the controllers 
of the present and the molders of the future are 
not the babblers who plead for an unreal realism, 
but are the exponents of moral earnestness — ideal- 
heated to enthusiasm by glowing ideal>. 
nade and vocalized by heroes, like our 
patriot fathers, who pledged their 'lives, their 
fortunes, and their sacred honor" on behalf of 
truth and | >r the Pilgrims, who made 

ad, when, clad in her sparklin^ 
and crowned with her evergreen pines, the glory 
of her brow was justk of her eye 

- liberty, the strength of her hand stry, 

1S7 



1 88 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

and the whiteness of her bosom was faith ; by men, 
like Paul, who said " I can do all things through 
Christ, which strengthened me " ; or Luther, who 
set his feet on the rock of principle, and said : 
" Here I must stand — God help me ! M or Knox, 
who prayed "Oh God! give me Scotland, or I 
die ! " and got it ; or Wesley, who said 4i I desire 
a league, offensive and defensive, with every - 
dier of Jesus Christ ; or Wilberforce, who, as 
Brougham said, "went to heaven with 800,000 
broken fetters in his hands"; or the Marl 
Shaftesbury, who illustrated in his own per 
his own assertion that M the best gt >od- 

ness" ; or Phillips, who said " I found my coun- 
try half slave and half free — I left it without a 
fetter." 

In the i( good fight "to which we, as Christian 
citizens, are called, let us cheer our spirits and 
nerve our souls with these high ideals and brave 
examples. Realizing the fact that America i 
be won for Christ, we must be content witli 
nothing else and nothing less. When once Amer- 
ica is His, the world will be His. 

Hebrew prophet and Christian seer agree in 
for'telling the reign of Christ among men. The 
one affirms that ' k whether they be thrones or 
dominions or principalities or powers ; all thii 
were created by Him, and for Him M ; while the 
other asserts that ' ' the earth is the Lord's, and the 



"HITCH YOUK WAGON TO A STAR." 1S9 

fulness thereof." Our Lord Himself opens His 
model prayer with the supplication, ' ' Thy will be 
done on earth as it is in heaven." 

The wonderful and inspiring truth is that Christ 
is to have a second incarnation. We are familiar 
with His first one. The Xew Testament is the 
radiant record of it. The second is yet to come, 
not in a human body, as before, but in the body 
of human society. The first incarnation was a 
revelation ; the second will be a transformation. 
In the past. He was one man ; in the future He is 
to be ail men. In Galilee He taught on the out- 
• of affairs ; in the millenium He is to fill all 
in all — all governments, all laws, all policies, all 
administrations, all industries, all economies, and 
to dominate civilization. 

This unfolding of Christ in all and over all, 
blessed forever, is to be a development. It will 
follow, it is following, the order of the first in- 
carnation. We are told that the infant " Jesus 
increased in wisdom and stature, and in favor with 
God and man." The word "stature" may be 
taken a- referring to the physical side of His 
growth. Since He was the model man, He must 
have had a perfect body. Just so, in the second 
incarnation, there is to be an ideal development of 
physical conditions. The race is as yet in child- 
hood, nay, worse, in ignorance and sin ; and in 
the forlorn physical conditions which they pro- 



190 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

duce. The stronghold of iniquity to-day is the 
body — its very Gibraltar, garrisoned by the vices. 
Until the body is redeemed little can be done for 
the soul. The greater part of the human race is 
at this moment near starvation — never has 
enough to eat. Physiologists teach that unless 
the body is properly fed, clothed, and housed, it 
can do no justice to the brain. The human ver- 
min that swarm in the slums and scramble in the 
tenements, live only a bestial life, and lack the 
elasticity to make mental and moral progn 
And they are where they are and what they are 
largely as the result of inherited proclivities 
evil ; their ancestors were like them. In the good 
time coming, the body shall be nourished. Chil- 
dren will be begotten in righteousness and trained 
in righteousness. It has been well said that the 
devil can breed sinners at the childhood end faster 
than the Almighty can make saints at the adult 
end of life. Hence, by-and-by, marriage will be 
put under conscience rather than passion. Here- 
dity will be understood. As sinners are now 
bred, so saints will be bred. The start will be 
right, and therefore the growth will be symme- 
trical. Malformations will no longer offend the 
eye and perplex the mind of observers. The rule 
will be health. 

And Jesus grew r in ' ' wisdom ' ' as well as in 
" stature." The word M wisdom M is to be inter- 



"HITCH VOIR WAGON TO A STAR. 191 

preted in its comprehensive sense as significant of 

mental and moral growth. And here, too, we 
may expect the second incarnation to resemble 
the first. With a sound body, freed from the 
tyranny oi inherited or acquired weaknesses and 
vices, the mind and conscience of the race will 
have a fair chance to develop. Inventions will 
multiply ; the physical globe will be brought 
under human domination more and more ; and 
the law of kindness, of mutual helpfulness, will 
lend its aid in producing an unimaginable increase 
of leisure, comfort, knowledge, and power. Wealth 
will be distributed. Corporations will be coopera- 
tive. Society will domesticate the liberty and 
equality of the ideal home under the dome of its 
State-house. The law of the social order will be 
the angelic overture at the Nativity — " Glory to 
God in the highest ; on earth, peace, good will 
toward men." The earth will no longer chant a 
requiem, but will sing hallelujahs as it swings 
around its joyous orbit. 

These are the ideals which should inspire Chris- 
tian citizen-. True, they are poetry to-day. 
Faithfulness on our part may turn them into prose 
to-morrow. When Shakespeare made Puck say, 

'' I'll put a girdle round about the earth 
In fort}' minutes," — 

it seemed the wildest poetry ; yet now the electric 



192 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

cable hoops the globe, and men whisper messages 
back and forth in forty seconds. M According to 
your faith," said our Master, ' k be it unto you." 

What a privilege ! what an honor ! to be made 
co-workers together and with God in the accom- 
plishment of these gracious and splendid purjxx 
Christian citizens are now surrounded by multi- 
form discouragements. Evil is rampant. Satan is 
as yet the god of this world. No matter. When 
the battle appears to go against us, we must trust 
the more utterly and fight the more desperately. 
Let us ask great things of God, and expect great 
things from God, Trust and act, should be OUT 
watchwords. M In the theater of man's lii 
says Lord Bacon, "God and His angels only 
should be lookers-on." We are not here on 
earth to have an easy time. "There remaineth, 

therefore, a rest to the people of God ; M not now. 
not here, this is the battlefield ; but in halcyon 
daws to come. When the splendid promises of 

Holy Writ are fulfilled, and, throned in honor 
and cushioned in ease, we look back from the 
glory-land to our part amid earthly tribulations, 
in the majestic consummation, each of us may 
cry : <k I was troubled on every side, yet not dis- 
tressed ; perplexed, but not in despair ; perse- 
cuted, but not forsaken ; cast down, but not de- 
stroyed ; because I was not disobedient unto the 
heavenly vision. ' ' 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



1 Citizen, from the Latin Czvi's, French Cttayen t from 
ciii t originally denoted one who enjoyed the freedom and 
privileges of a city. In modern law the term is broadened 
to include all persons who owe an indefeasible allegi- 
ance to a State, and are entitled to certain rights and 
privileges appertaining to freemen. 

1 In view of the agitation in favor of woman's suffrage 
in the United States it may be of interest to know that in 
nearly all the countries on the globe women have had 
some form of suffrage for years. We are somewhat 
slow in extending to them this privilege. 

In England, Scotland, and Wales women vote for all 
elective officers, except members of Parliament. 

In France the women teachers elect women members 
on all boards of education. 

In Sweden women vote for all elective officers, except 
representatives. 

In Norway they have ,chool suffrage. 

In Ireland they vote for the harbor boards, poor-law 
guardians, and in Belfast for municipal officers. 

In Russia women householders vote for all elective 
officers. 

In Finland they vote for all elective officers. 

In Austria-Hungary they vote, by proxy, for all elec- 
ifficers. 

In Italy widows vote for members of Parliament. 

In Hindustan women exercise the right of suffrage. 



igb 



CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



Women have municipal suffrage in Cape Colony, which 
rules one million square miles. 

Municipal woman suffrage rules in New Zealand. 

Iceland, in the North Atlantic, the Isle of Man, between 
England and Ire-land, Ktcairn Island, in the South Pacific, 
have full woman suffi 

In the Dominion of Canada women have municipal 
suffrage in every province, and also in the northwest 
territories. 

In the United States twenty-eight States and Terri- 
tories have given women some form of suffrage. In 
Wyoming, Colorado, and Utah, they have full suffrage. 



3 There are proportionately more church members in 
the cities than in the country. In the entire United 
States one person in every 3.04 is returned as a com- 
municant, while in the cities one out of every 2.6.; 
This is due partly to the fact that it is much easier to 
organize and maintain churches where the population is 
compact than where it is scattered, and partly to the fact 
that the Catholic Church has its great strongholds in the 
larger cities. About one-half of the Catholics are in the 
124 cities of a population of 25,000 and upwards. Over a 
million are in the four cities of New York, Chicago, Phila- 
delphia, and Brooklyn. The figures for those cities are as 
follow?. : 





Total 
Communi- 
cants. 


Catholic. 


All Others. 


New York 


556,954 

388,14; 

^.189 

309.610 


386,200 
262,047 
163,658 
201,063 


17c 
126,09s 
n,53i 
*»547 


Chicago 


Philadelphia 


Brooklyn 





APPENDIX. 



197 



The strength of the Protestant denominations is in the 
country, and that of the Catholics in the cities. Thus in 
Illinois, outside of Chicago, there are but 213,427 Catho- 
lic communicants, while the other denominations foot up 
501,014. But if the number of Chicagoans who go to 
Protestant churches with more or less regularity, and 
who contribute to some extent to their support, were 
added to the Protestant church membership, the latter 
would not fall so very much below that of the Catholics. 
The Chicago statistics are as follows: 



Catholic 262,047 

Lutheran 34*999 

Methodist 17,950 

Baptist 12,634 

Episcopal 9.741 



Presbyterian 1 1 , B 3 1 

Congregational 9,704 

German Evangelical 8,252 

Jewish 9,187 



Though the population of New York in 1890 was 
much larger than that of Chicago, it had a much smaller 
membership of many Protestant sects. Chicago had 
more Congregationalists, German Evangelicals, Luther- 
ans, and Methodists, but it had only one-fourth as many 
Jews, half as many Presbyterians, and less than a quarter 
as many Episcopalians. 



4 The denominational families having more than 100,- 
000 communicants each are as follows: 



Catholic 6,: 

Methodist 4.589,284 

Baptist 3.712,468 

Presbyterian 1,278,332 

Lutheran i.~ 

Episcopal 540,509 



Reformed 3 

United Brethren 22 

Latter-Day Saints 166, 1 25 

sh 130,496 

Friends 107,208 

Christians 103.722 



6 Geo. Wm. Curtis. Orations and Addresses, vol. ii., 

12, 13. The ablest discussion of Civil Service Reform to 
be found in any single volume is contained in this book, 
the whole of which is devoted to this subject. 



198 



CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



6 The quotation is from "The American Common- 
wealth," vol. ii., 99, 100. Chapter XV. discusses the 
spoils system lucidly. 

7 Mrs. Rena Michaels Atchison, in a remarkable 
brochure on "Un-American Immigration," summarizes 
these reports. See pp. 14-40. Her book deserves the 
careful attention of students of sociology. 

- TAI$I,1\ SHOWING rHE TOTAL NUMBER OP IMMIGRANTS 

who HAVE ENTERED Tin-; UNITED STATES 

PROM [820 to [892, INCLUSIVE. 



Years 


Animal 




Annual 


Years 


Annual 


Ending 


Total 


Ending 


T«»t;il 


Ending 










119,896 


1869 


429,203 


[821 






W 




419,998 








239, . 


1871 


415,155 








299, : 




498,823 


[824 




[849 


2Q9.< 




483,459 








380,904 




-913 






is 5 , 


408,828 


187s 


25". 


IS- 


21,777 


[85a 


39: 


1876 


230.7:4 








40*'. 




U: 


IS.'-) 


24.513 


1854 


46. 


[878 


- 469 


[830 






23"-: 




177,826 


isu 






224,096 




457.257 








271,558 


[88i 


660 


1833 


59.925 


1858 


144,652 


1882 


788,992 


I\-v| 


67,948 




155.302 


1883 


603,322 


1835 


48,716 


i860 


'.469 


1884 


518,593 






186] 


1 1 2,604 


1885 


346 


1837 






[14,30] 


1S86 


334,203 


1838 


45,i59 




199*743 


1887 


490,109 


1839 


74,666 




221.531 


1888 


546,889 


1840 


92,207 


[865 


287,390 


1889 


444.427 


I84I 




1 866 


359*940 


1S90 


455.302 


1842 


110,980 




339.< 




560,319 


1843 


56,529 


1S68 


320. 


[892 


374.741 


1844 


84,764 






Total.... 










18,128 



APPENDIX. 



I99 



" TAKI.K SHOWING THH INCREASE OF URBAN 
POPULATION FOR 1880, 1S90. 



Divis 



Total Population. 



United States.. 
North Atlantic 

h Atlantic. 
North Central. 

h Central.. 
stern 




62,622,250 
17,401,545 

8,S57,92o 
22,362,279 
10.972.S94 

3,027,613 



50.i55i783 

14.507,407 

7o97J97 

17,364,111 

8,9i9.37i 

1,767,697 



Divisions. 



Urban Population. 



No. of Cities, and 

Per Cent, of Urban 

to Total 

Population. 



1890 



1S80 



United State- - 235,670 

North Atlantic >, 976,426 



1 Atlantic. 
1 Central . 
h Central. . 

-•.crn 



1,420,455 

5.971.272 

900,370 



1 1,318,547 
6,254.096 

3,024,679 
673,7oS 
423,677 



1890 


1880 




29.12 








51.58 




43.11 




16.04 




12.40 




25.90 








10.45 


20 






29.73 


II 





200 



CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 



10 TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF MALES IX [9 CHIEF 
CITIES (1) OF NATIVE, PARENTAGE, (2) FOREIGN 
BORN, (3) AND OF FOREIGN PARENTAL 



CiTIl.S 



New York 

Brooklyn 

Boston. 

Philadelphia . 

Pittsburg 

Cincinnati 

Cleveland 

Chicago 

Dctn.it 

Milwaukee. . . 
Minneapolis. . . 

st. Paul 

St. Louis 

s m I ram 13C0 

New ( Orleans. 
Buffalo 

Jersey City... 

Louisville 

Washington. ■ 



Native 


For* 


eign 


Parentage. 




ntage. 




3M 


-992 


108,101 






67.447 


72,792 




202,046 










44,206 














3,230 






21,444 








50.906 












29,085 




60,096 
















34,350 


29,209 






20,967 


27,290 






11,990 






6.680 





11 Both here and in Europe there is an increasing 

appetite for morphine — the worst and most hopeless 
form of intoxication. In Paris this craving has become a 
mania. It prevails among all classes and both Si 
An article on this subject in the New York Herald, 
Nov. 22, 1896, says : 

"The question which the French people are asking is, 
How are we to account for this strange epidemic, which 
is evidently spreading among all classes of society ? To 
this question a startling reply has been given by an emi- 
nent French specialist and physician. Here is what he 
says : — 

" * I do not desire my name to be mentioned,' he began, 
4 because what I have to say is not very flattering to a 
certain number of my colleagues, and while I have noth- 



APPENDIX. 201 

ing to conceal, I have neither the time nor the inclination 
to take part in any paper war on the subject.' 

" It may be stated here that this specialist is one of the 
best known living- authorities on nervous diseases. 

'• ' The mania for morphine,' he continued, 4 is growing 
daily and among all classes. Statistics on the subject 
are not easily obtainable, because morphine fiends are 
very crafty, and because no exterior symptoms condemn 
them in public, as is the case with drunkards and epilep- 
tics. From what a number of pharmacists and physicians 
have told me, however, I estimate that there are not less 
than fifty thousand persons in Paris who use morphine 
secretly and almost constantly. Most of those who be- 
long to this army of degenerates are women; indeed, I 
should put their number at not less than thirty thousand. 
More instructive, however, than this general state- 
ment are the following statistics, which have been care- 
fully compiled, and which show how the vice has spread 
among persons of the various professions. Here is a 
table of 230 morphine fiends who belong to twenty-two 
different professions or trades. You will see — and this 
is the most startling point — that the first rank on the list 
is occupied by physicians and their wives, the number of 
victims among them being sixty-nine. In the second 
rank we find army officers and their wives, the number 
of victims among them being twenty ; in the third, phar- 
macists and their families, and in the fourth workingmen 
and workingwomen, the number of victims among them 
being eighteen. Among members of the other profes- 
sions, namely college professors, magistrates, literary 
men, artists and others, the number of victims varies 
from two to ten. 

W, the amazing fact is that physicians, who, from 



202 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

their knowledge of the clanger, ought to be most of all 
beyond the reach of contamination, should actually be at 
the head of the list of morphine fiends. To many the 
reason will seem obvious. The explanation is that 
physicians become addicted to the drug through weari- 
ness and through their disgust with the most ungrateful 
of all professions. In other words, being often dis- 
appointed and obliged to struggle unsuccessfully 
their daily bread, they have sought in the discreet and 
comparatively silent intoxication of morphine that oblivion 
which the workingman finds in raw brandy. 

"'Pharmacists are quite as often to blame as phy- 
sicians, If they were to strictly obey that law which 
prohibits them from selling drugs except on a regular 
prescription, which must be renewed at the time of each 
purchase, the facilities for obtaining morphine would be 
much diminished. Certainly, those persons who could 
not get physicians to help them out of their difficulty 
would find it very hard to get the drug. A druggist was 
recently punished for having sold in one month 1,500 
grammes of morphine without any formality to one of 
his lady customers. 

" ' It is just as easy to procure syringes as it is to pro- 
cure the drug itself. Any one who wants them can buy 
them at stores where surgical instruments are sold, and 
also at certain second-hand stores. Jewelers even deal 
in them. I know one who was on the point of becoming 
a bankrupt when he conceived the happy idea of manu- 
facturing these deadly little weapons. His customers 
were mostly women, and he knew well what they wanted. 
Instead of filling his store windows with bare, unadorned 
syringes, he hid them deftly in scent bottles, fans, brace- 
lets, and even in parasol handles. The result was, that 



APPENDIX: 



20~ 



he soon paid his debts and is now on the high road to 
fortune. 

'• ' There are four periods in the evolution of the disease 
— that of initiation, that of hesitation, that of morphino- 
mania, and that of cachexia, the end of which is death. 
How long does it take to pass from the initiatory stage to 
that of morphinomania ? That depends on the tempera- 
ment, those persons who are most nervous being most 
amenable to the disease. As a rule, however, after a 
month and a half of injections at the rate of from two to 
rive centigrams per dose, a desire is created which is 
horribly difficult to conquer. 

Many so-called remedies for the disease are being 
tried. In German}-, where the scourge rages with even 
more intensity than in France, special asylums have been 
established, in which are employed different methods of 
treatment, such as the Levinstein or abrupt method, 
the slow, or progressive method, and the Erlummeyer, or 
semi-rapid method. This last seems to have given the 
best results. Here in France we still use the individual 
and persuasive treatment. Do what we will, however, 
the incontestable fact remains — and it is a sad confes- 
sion — that of all known voluntary diseases for which a 
ment has been found, morphinomania is one of those, 
t the one, which is most rarely cur- 

" This terrible arraignment of physicians is causing 
h talk in France, and many are wondering whether 
the great medical societies will take any notice of it. 
That they can utterly disprove the grave charges made 
against physicians is not believed to be possible, but 
they may be able to show that the statistics on the sub- 
ject are insufficient and misleading. Possibly they may 
preserve a dignified silence." 



2G4 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

What is said above of Paris, applies equally to New 
York. Another ot the metropolitan journals recently 
had this to say : 

"If all the men and women in New York who are vic- 
tims of the opium, morphine, and cocaine habit were 
gathered together, they would outnumber the entire popu- 
lation of Troy. In Troy at the last census there were 
60,000 people, and an uptown druggist in New York, who 
has kept in pretty close touch with the sale of these 
drugs for a number of years back, estimates the number 
of people in New York who habitually use them medicin- 
ally but for their intoxicating effects, at easily 65,000. 

"The same authority estimates an annual expenditure 
of twenty-five dollars a person for the drugs, making a 

total of Si. 625, 000. 

u It has long been notorious that the I 1 ning the 

sale of these poisons is flagrantly violated, and that it re- 
quires but a very moderate degree of tact for an] 
to purchase as much opium, morphine, or cocaine, as he 
or she wishes, and that from New York dnij 
which are considered among the most reputable in the 
city. 

"The druggist who furnished this information to a 
Sunday World reporter admits that he sells e 
150 ounces of opium, about 10,000 half-grain pills for 
smoking, and that he has about two thousand customers. 
But this, of course, has nothing to do with the cocaine 
trade. 

" Cocaine, which is about as deadly as any of the in- 
toxicant drugs, was extensively advertised during Gen. 
Grant's illness. It was used constantly from the time 
the cancerous affection of the General's tongue became 
fully developed, to relieve the constant pain, which with- 



APPENDIX. 205 

out some alleviating drug would have been at times al- 
most unendurable. The papers were filled with cocaine 
stories, and the soothing effects of the drug were widely 
proclaimed, but unfortunately without a correspondingly 
earnest warning that its use was full of peril. Until then 
it is safe to say that thousands of people, who since have 
become its victims, never had heard of cocaine. 

"The New York druggist above mentioned estimates 
that there are quite 15.000 victims in New York alone. 
The sale of the drug is nearly as great as the sale of mor- 
phine. The woman known as Eva Ray Hamilton was 
in a cocaine frenzy when she committed the act which 
brought out all the wretched scandal, which sent one of 
the most promising young men in New York to his death. 

" The doctors and the hospitals are constantly treating 
victims of the habit. Only a short time ago a man, well 
known in New York, after unavailingly trying to break 
the habit by«his own will-power, went to a medical insti- 
tution. There literally was not an unpunctured spot on 
his body where he could introduce a hypodermic syringe. 
He was a mass of ulcers from head to foot, no less than 
137 of them being in a painfully aggravated condition. 

" Quack throat and catarrh medicines are often mere 
vehicles for cocaine, and through their use many people 
are innocently and unconsciously led into the fatal snare. 
As an alleviator of pain, by benumbing the gums in den- 
tistry, cocaine is often recklessly used by practitioners, 
and that is another fruitful source for the production of 
cocaine 'fiends.' The malady, moreover, is steadily on 
the increase. 

* There are plenty of laws in the statute books of New 
York to stop all this, but of what avail are laws unless 
they are enforced ? " 



206 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

12 Hon. Louis C. Hughes, ex-Governor of Arizona, lias 
lately written an able and convincing article presenting 
the claims of Prohibition. After noting the universal 
admission that there is something wrong in the machin- 
ery of government, and stating the remedies presented 
by the Republican, Democratic, and Prohibition parties, 
Governor Hughes says: 

"The drink traffic annually consumes an amount equal 
to more than 60 per cent, of the total gold, silver, and 
paper currrency in the United States. A sum equal to 
nearly twice the capital of all its national banks; four 
times greater than the total income of the United S:. 
government ; more than one-third as much as the total 
value of gold and silver produced in the United S: 
during the last 35 years, and more than one-half the value 
of the total gold and silver produced in the United St; 
during the last 20 years. 

"Where is there a trust or an aggregation of capital, 
so powerful, so destructive to the prosperity of the people, 
so threatening to the safety of the government ? Win- 
do not these political parties make battle against this 
giant trust, this octopus which strangles and sucks the 
life out of every industry in the land, tenfold more than 
all other trusts and monopolies combined ? Instead, they 
license and protect this evil by federal and State laws. 

"The Democrat and Populist insist that the free coinage 
of silver is of all others the one thing which will dissipate 
the ills complained of. Vet while our annual drink bill 
is $1,237,828,000, the total silver product of the United 
States for the last 22 years was §1,214,751,000, or 
$23,000,000 less than the drink traffic for one year. 
Consider the striking contrast as to the relative import- 
ance of these two issues. It will take more than 22 



APPENDIX, 207 

years to produce an amount of silver equal to one year's 
drink bill. 

'* No ! No ! Free coinage of silver will not bring the 
relief as long as we have free rum. We may increase 
the volume of money indefinitely, but as long as it courses 
through the saloon, it will prove a greater curse than 
blessing. 

11 The Republican party pledges restoration of pros- 
perous times by increasing the tariff. This may protect 
the manufacturer, but where comes the benefit to the 
farmer, the working classes, the consumers ? They will 
have to pay more for their manufactured goods, their 
farming utensils, and while the manufacturer will grow 
richer, the consumer will grow poorer. 

" But in the triumph of Prohibition the hundreds of 
millions of dollars which now go to the dram-shops will 
go for food, clothing, the necessaries and comforts of 
life. The farmer, the builder, the factory, and every 
industry will thrill with new life, generated by this vast 
volume of money coursing through their veins, adding 
vitality and stimulating every industry in the land, creat- 
ing consumption beyond production, thus advancing the 
price of labor by creating a demand therefor." 

13 A writer in the London Times, referring to the Goth- 
enburg system, says : 

"The British Vice-Consul at Skensfiord in his latest 
reports states that during the last year the time expired 
which two of the towns in his district — Skien and 
— had the right of having the Gothenburg system 
mlags, for the sale of spirits as a mon- 
opoly. According to the new liquor-law the inhabitants 
of towns have the the further existence 

of any Bolag in their town. Doth Skien and Brevig voted 



208 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

by large majorities against it, so that they have no longer 
those Bolags, which were so warmly advocated by the 
Norwegian press, when the question of the Gothenburg 
system was fully ventilated a short time ago. The fact 
of the Bolags having been voted down in several other 
towns in Norway, besides Skien and Brevig, shows that 
they are not so popular as might be supposed. But it 
should be stated that it is mainly owing to the persever- 
ing agitation of the teetotal element, aided by the 
women's votes, that the Samlags are being ousted. In 
towns where these institutions are thus abolished, and 
where no privileges for the sale of spirits are still held by 
private individuals from former days, spirits can not now 
be bought in smaller quantities than 250 liters, which 
practically means the non-sale of spirits in such towns. 

11 "The celebrated declaration of the Methodist 
Church, in the General Conference of 188X, may now 
fairly be said to represent the opinion of the most en- 
lightened and religiously earnest portion of Christendom 
at large, so that in citing this we summarize scores of 
equivalent declarations from other religious bodies : 4 The 
liquor traffic can never be legalized without sin. License, 
high or low, is vicious in principle and powerless . 
remedy! ' " — JOSEPH COOK. Art. on License, in M Cyclo- 
pedia of Temperance and Prohibition," 3^2. 

16 A SUGGESTED CONSTITUTION. 

OF THE 

CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP LEAGUE OF 

ARTICLE I.— Name: 
This organization shall be known as the CHRISTIAN 

Citizenship League of the (city or county) of 

auxiliary to the National Christian Citizenship League. 



ArPKxnix. 209 

article II.— Object. 

The object shall be to EDUCATE nu ; PUBLIC CON- 

MCE; and to secure a more GENEROUS support for 

ALL MOVEMEN rS, which make for the PUBLIC WELFARE. 

article IIL— Membership. 

Any PERSON, in sympathy with its object, may become 
a member of the League upon the following' conditions: 

1. By making application through a member. 

2. By subscribing to this Constitution. 

3. By the payment of 

Membership in the League is continued by the payment 
of per year. 

ARTICLE IV.— Officers. 

The officers of this League shall consist of a President, 
Vice-Presidents, Recording Secretary, Corresponding 
etary, and Treasurer. These officials shall hold 
office for one year, shall perform the duties usually 
devolving upon such officials, and shall constitute the 
Executive Committee of the League. The Treasurer 
shall be required to furnish such bonds or security for 
the faithful performance of his duty as shall be satisfac- 
tory to the Executive Committee. 

ARTICLE V. — Tin; WORKING COMMITTEE. 

The working committee shall consist of one representa- 
tive (or more ich church or young people's society; 
at least one from the pastors and one from each other 
organization in the city (or country) in sympathy with 
the work of igue. ft shall be their duty, under 
direction of the E Committee, to aid in 
out the plans of the L and to sec 



2IO CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

hie the cooperation of all the members of 'heir own 
organizations to that end. 

ARTICLE VI.— Management. 
The Executive Committee shall consist of the officers 
of the League,. . . of whom shall constitute a quorum for 
the transaction of business. This committee shall man- 
age the affairs of the League, and make rules for its g 
ernment not inconsistent with this Constitution. An 

annual business meeting shall be held on the first 

after the first in at such place- as shall be found 

convenient. At this meeting shall occur the election of 
officers. 

ARTICLE vi [.—Amendments. 

This Constitution may be amended at any regular or 
special meeting of the League, ten days notice of such 
amendment having been given ; and providing the same 
shall be approved by two-thirds of the members present 
and voting. 

,6 THE CHURC II A LL I A X C R 



of 

It Is not at all necessary that constitutions DC Uniform. T) 
only suggested as a form that has hern Found helpful. 



CONSTITUTION. 



ARTICLE I.— Name. 

This organization shall be known as The Church 

Alliance of .auxiliary to the social work 

of the Evangelical Alliance for the United States of 
America. 



APPENDIX. 211 

ARTICLE II.— Objects. 

Believing- that Jesus Christ is the only Savior of society 
as well as of the individual, it shall he the object of this 
Alliance to apply the principles of Christ's teachings to 
the solution of social problems, with a view to aiding 
the churches in the accomplishment of their social mis- 
sion. 

This Alliance shall seek to prove the deep, practical 
interest of the allied churches in whatever concerns 
human welfare. 

It shall aid such directly religious efforts as it may 
approve for united action, and further such moral And 
civic movements as it may deem to be of large impor- 
tance. 

Its object shall include the aid, in all practical ways, 
of such existing organizations as, in its judgment, are 
wisely seeking the common well-being. 

The Alliance shall stand in the name of Christ on the 
side of practical religion, good citizenship, the enforce- 
ment of law, the promotion of sobriety, the prevention of 
cruelty, the alleviation of suffering, the correction of in- 
justice, the rescue of the unfortunate, the reformation of 
the depraved, and for such kindred ends as pertain to the 
true social mission of the church ; it being understood 
that all activities of the Alliance shall be subservient to 
spiritual results, which must always be the supreme ob- 
ject of the churches. 

In the furtherance of such objects it is distinctly de- 
clared that the Alliance shall not attempt to exercise 
ecclesiastical or administrative authority over the allied 
churches. It shall be the servant of the churches, 
recommending such united action as it deems most w 
It shall be a purely voluntary association, which k 



212 CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP. 

the churches, with all their diverging views of doctrine 
and polity, absolutely unsolicited either to worship or to 
fellowship which would contradict their independent con- 
victions. Nor shall it lay the churches under any finan- 
cial obligations. 

article [II.— Membership. 

SECTION i. — All persons in sympathy with the objects 
of the Alliance and purposing to co-operate with it may 
become members by signing the Constitution. 

SEC, 2. — Any church in sympathy with the objects 
this Alliance and purposing to cooperate with it may 
join the same by electing two of its members to the 
Board of Managers. 

ARTICLE IV.— Managemen i . 

The management of the Alliance shall be vested in a 
Board of Managers, to consist of the pastor of each co- 
operating church, and two of its members, elected by 
said church prior to the last Monday of October. 

The President, Secretary, and Treasure]- of the Alli- 
ance shall be ex-officio President, Secretary, and Tr< 
urer of the Board of Manag 

ARTICLE V.— Officers. 

The officers of the Alliance shall be chosen by the 
Board of Managers. These officers shall be a President, 
a Vice-President from each cooperating denomination, a 
Secretary, a Treasurer, and an Executive Committee 
consisting of the President, Secretary, and Treasurer ex- 
officio, together with seven other members. 



APPENDIX. 213 

article VI.— Amendments. 

This Constitution may be amended at any regular or 
special meeting of the Alliance by a two-thirds vote of 
the members present, provided the amendment shall have 
been previously approved by the Board of Managers. 

17 Read the chapter on " The Social Evil," in Park- 
hurst's "Our Fight With Tammany," where this charge 
is proved. 



INDEX. 



Adams, John, 70. 

Adams, John Ouincv. 71. 

Adams, Sam, $6. 

Alcohol, 93. 

Altgeld, ex- Gov., 63. 

Angelo, Michael, 33. 

America, described, 20. 

American Citizen, defined, 14. 

American Citizenship, Essential principle of, 14; bought 

with a great price, 22. 
American Republic, basis of, 13. 
American Secular Union, The, 148. 
Anne, Reign of Queen, 128. 
Appetite, racial, 91 ; legitimate and illegitimate uses of, 

104. 
Arbitration, 184. 
Arnold, Matthew, 136. 
Athens, 1 54. 

Bacon, Lord (quoted), 132, 140, 192. 
Ballot Box, prostituted, 56, 59. 
Baltimore, The moral condition of, (21. 
Baptist prayer meetings, 41. 
Baptist Young People's Unions, 160. 
Barak, 39. 
Barton, Clara, 31. 
Bede, The Venerable. 91. 
Beecher, Henry Ward (quoted), 127, 128. 
Birmingham, Eng., 185. 
:k Prince, The, 132. 

. care of the, 189. 

parte, Chas. J. (quoted), 121. 
Boodling, 63. 



2l6 INDEX. 

Boss, Evolution of the, 63. 
Bosworth, The battle of, 132. 
Bronte\ Charlotte, 141. 
Brougham, Lord (quoted), 20, 188. 
Bryce, Prof. Jas. (quoted), 76. 
Buckle, The historian (quoted), 25. 
Bull fights, 132. 
Burns, Robt. (quoted), 19, 136. 

Canova, The Sculptor, 33. 

Cards, 122, 123. 

Carlyle, Thos., i<S. 

Catherine, of Russia, 29 

Catholics in Maryland, 47. 

Census, U. S., romance of, 51. 

Chamouni, \ T ale of, 1 55. 

Chicago; Moral condition of, 121. 

China, 170. 

Christian Citizenship League, The National. 175, 176; 

platform of. 176, 177. 
Christian Endeavor Societies, 159. 1 
Christianity, The fundamental law of U. S., 47 ; should 

be sociological to-day, 171 . opportunity of, 169, 170; 

weakness of, 170. 
Church Membership in U. S., 52. $3; wealth of the, 53; 

relation of to education, 54, 55. 
Cities, growth of in l\ S.. 84; abroad, 184. 185. 
Citizen, meaning of, I I ; right of female to vote, 23. 
Citizens, preoccupation and indifference of good, 20. 
Citizenship, Christian. 45-47. 
Civil Service, The, degraded, 69; practice of England, 

Germany, and France regarding, 69 ; early American 

practice, 70, 71 ; change in, 71 ; reform of, yS, 79. 
Clark, Francis E., 159. 
Clark, Dr. (quoted), 172. 
Clay, Henry (quoted), 71, 72. 
Collecticism, Municipal, 185. 
Columbian Fair, The, 153. 
Columbus, Christopher, 46. 
■• Combine," described, 63. 
Committees, Christian Citizenship, 160. 



INDEX. 217 

Commons, Prof. John R., 178. 

Com Stock, Anthony, 135. 

Constitution, The U. S. (quoted), 13, 23. 

Convention. The City, 59, 60. 

Cooper Institute, 153. 

Copernicus, 33, 

Corporation. Cooperative. 191. 

Croker, Boss, 63. 

Curtis, Geo. Win. (quoted), 34, 35, 73. 

Dante (quoted), 101. 
Deborah, 39. 
Defoe, Dan'l., 141. 
Demosthenes, 62, 154. 
Dice, 122, 123. 
Dickens, Chas., 141. 
D'Israeli. The Elder. 129. 

Drunkenness, heriditary, 90, 91 ; physiological explana- 
tion, 92; influence of environment on, 92, 93. 
Duguesclin, 128, 132. 
Du Maurier, 137. 
Duty, Personalized, 163. 

Economic Inequality, 1S1, 182; reacts on legislation, 182. 

Election Day, the Sabbath of patriotism, 65. 

Eliot, Geo., 141. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 29. 

Emerson, R. W. (quoted), 173. 

Epworth Leagues, 159, 

Europe, contrasted with America, 18. 

Evangelical Alliance, The, 177. 

Evangelical Church membership in U. S., 52, 53. 

Everett, Edward (quoted), 126, 127. 

Ferrero, Guglielmo (quoted), 137, 138. 
Field. 151, 152, 

Fisk hn (quoted), 172. 

Franklin, Benj. (quoted), 141, 171. 
Freiburg, 131. 

22; universal, 122; implements of, 122; 



2 1 8 INDEX . 

houses used for, 124, 125; banned, 125; defined, 126; 

source of, 128, 129; inveteracy of, 129, 130; menace to 

society, 130, 131; political aspects of, 131; alliance of 

with other vices, 131. 
Garfield, Pres., 72. 
Gates, Gen., 22. 
George, Henry, 181. 
George III., King, 35. 
Glasgow, Scotland, 185. 
Gorman, Boss, 6. 
Gothenburg System, 99, 100. 
Greece, 1 1. 

Greeley, Horace, 141. 
Greene, Gen., 22. 
Gutenberg, John, 131. 

Hamilton, Alex, (quoted), 172. 

"Hamlet" (quoted), 101. 

Harrison, The first, 72. 

Hawthorne, Nath'l, 155. 

Henry IV., of France, 128. 

Herodotus, 1 1. 

Holland, 12. 

Holy Cross, Mountain of the, 47. 

Hopkins, Boss, 63. 

Hopkins, Ellice, 11$, 116. 

Horses, used in gambling, 123. 

Hosmer, Harriet, 33. 

Hulbert, Dean (quoted), 167-171. 

Hume, The historian, 144. 



Ibsen, 137. 

Ideals, value of, 187, 188. 

Idealists, 187, 188. 

Immigrants, number of, 82 ; distribution of, 84 ; birth-rate 

among, 83 ; urban tendency of, 85 ; bad influence of in 

cities, 85. 
Immigration, welcome, 80,81,89; deterioration of, 81 

consular reports on, 82 ; industrial effects of, 85. 86 

connection with pauper and criminal statistics, 86, 87 



INDEX. 219 

feet on educational problems, 87; national influence, 
88 ; need o( restriction. 88. So, ; methods, 89. 
Incarnation, The second, 189. 
Initiative, The, 179, 1S0. 
Innovation, Uses of. 35, 36. 
Italian Republics, 1 2. 

Jackson, President. 71. 
Japan, 170. 
Jay, Chief Justice, 47. 
Jefferson, Thomas, 70. 
Johnson, Benjamin, 125. 

Knowledge, importance of in a republic, 17, 18. 
Knox, John (quoted), 188. 

Law and order, 12. 

Legouve (quoted), 110-112. 

Leo X., Pope, 155. 

License, failure of. 98, 99; distinguished from a tax, 99. 

Lincoln, A. (quoted), 19. 

Liquor dealers, percentage to voters, 95 ; nativity of ; 90, 

Liquor traffic, numbers and wealth engaged in, 93,94; 
evil effects of, 94, 95 ; controlled largely by foreigners, 
95 ; European syndicates interested in, 95, 96 ; organ- 
ization of. 96; must be dealt with by Christian citi- 
zens, 101 ; denounced by the churches, 94. 

Literature, pernicious, 135-139; wholesome, 140, 141. 

Livingstone, Robert, 5r. 
Ion, 1 16. 

Lord's Day, The, 142, 143 ; an occasion for worship, 143, 
144; home day, 145 ; neighborly uses of, 145; day for 
good works, 146; God's best gilt toman, 146; assaults 
upon, 147-151 ; defence of, 1 51-158 ; an American in- 
stitution, 1 56, 1 57 ; sanitary value of, 1 5 1 , 1 58 ; opening 
of museums and libraries on, 150,152-156; position of 
working classes regarding, 156, 157; hugely secular- 
ized, 1 57. 

Louis XIV., King (quoted), 20. 



220 INDKX. 

Lowell, James R. (quoted), 76. 
Luther, Martin, 132 ; (quoted). 188. 

Madison, President, 70 

Magdalenes, treatment of, 109, 120, 121. 

Malays, as gamblers, 128. 

Manchester. England, 185. 

Marcy, W. L.. 71. 

Marion, General, 22. 

Marriage, 190. 

Marshall, Chief Justice, 47. 

Marshall, Tom (quoted), 21. 

Martineau, Harriet, 32. 

Materialism, curse of, 187. 

Mather, Dr. Cotton, 141. 

Mazarine. Cardinal, 1 28. 

McCrackan. \Y. 1). (quoted), 178. 

McManes, Boss, 63. 

Medici, The, 155. 

Mentz, 131. 

Methodist prayer-meetings, women in, 41. 

Mexico, 132. 

Mill, John Stuart (quoted), 26, 178. 

Milton, John (quoted), 118, 141. 168. 

Mitchell', Maria, 2>^ 

Montaigne (quoted), 108, 129. 

Mont Blanc, 155. 

Monroe, President, 70. 

Morality, double standard of, 107,108; male transgres- 
sions of condoned, 107; female sinners unpardoned, 
107; statutes concerning, no; the double standard a 
modern device, 11 4- 115. 

Moses, law of, on seduction, 113, 1 14. 

Mott, Lucretia, 33. 

Muller, Prof. Max, 172. 

Murillo, 49. 

Napoleon (quoted), 24. 
Nation, The, perils of, 48. 

Newspaper, The modern, 132; Sunday editions of, 14S; 
worldliness of, 149, 150. 






INDKX. 221 

New Testament, little positive legislation in the, 37. 
New York City. 120, 160. 
Nordau, Max (quoted), 138, 129. 
Novels, decollete, 1 35. 

Offices, distribution of, 61, 

Officials, public, made distributors of party spoils, 72. 

Opera Bouffe, 156. 

Organization, needs of Christian, 170, 171 ; basis of, i~i ; 

objects of, 171, 172; methods of, 174, 175. 176. 
Organizations, varieties of in U. S., 59, 60, 61. 
Otis, Jas. (quoted), 27, 36. 

Pall Mall Gazette, The, 116. 
Paris, The City of, 147, 155. 
Parkhurst, The Rev. C. H. (quoted), 120. 
Parties, formation of, 70. 
Patriotism, Christian revival of, 48, 49. 
Patti, Adelina, ^3. 
Paul, St., 38, 39. 

Pennsylvania, whisky rebellion in, 98, 135. 
People, responsibility of the in U. S., 20. 
Peter, the Great, 29. 
Pharisees, The, 144. 
Philip, of Macedon. 154. 

Phillips, Wendell (quoted), 16, 26, 118-120, 188. 
Pilgrims, The New England, 47, 187. 
Pittsburg. The City of, 135, 160. 
Piatt, Boss, 63. 

Political system, our, defects, 177, 178, 179, 180. 
Politician, The professional, described, 63, 64. 
Politics. The sphere of, 60. 
Pope, the poet (quoted), 123. 
*er, Bishop, 147, 148. 
ver, entails obligation, 21. 
Primary, 1 he, defined, 59 ; functions of, 59, 60 ; dominated 

by the vices, 60; connection of bosses with, 60 ; reform 

must begin at, 
:>hetesses, Old Testament, 39. 
<>rtional Representation, 178. 179. 
Puritan, The, 144. 



222 INDKX. 

Quay, Boss, 63. 

Raphael, 49. 

Referendum, The, 180, 181. 

Reform, Municipal, 161, 162. 

Renan, E. (quoted), 136. 

Reporters, Methods of, 132. 133. 

Richard III., King, 132. 

" Ring," revenue of the, 60, 61. 

Robinson, C. S. (quoted), 157. 

Rome, 11, 12. 

Romilly, Sir Sam'L, 36. 

Russell, Earl, 149. 

Sabbath, The Jewish, 143; the Pharisaic, 144. 

Saloons, 93, 94. 

Sanitation. 103, 164. 

Schuiz. Carl (quoted), 172. 

Scott, Sir Walter, 141. 

Seduction, age of consent, 109-112; sin of, defined by 

canon law, 113, 114; Jewish law regarding, 114; 

ancient law regarding, 114; English law, 115. 
Semiramis, law, 29. 
Shaftsbury (quoted), 188. 
Shakespeare, 125; (quoted), 191. 
Siamese, The, as gamblers, 128, 129. 
Single Tax, The, 1 81-183. 
Social Conditions, 162-164. 
Social Evil, The, reticence regarding, 102, 103; essence 

of, 104-106; sacrilege of, 105; involves two in one 

sin, 105 ; effects of on individual and society, 106, 107 ; 

European treatment of, 107-112 ; attempts to introduce 

European methods in America, 109; sources of, 1 1 8— 

120; political dangers of, 120,121. 
Society, The ancient, theory of, II, 12; modern ideal of, 

190-192. 
Somerset, Lady, 32. 

South Carolina, another liquor traffic, 100. 
Spain, 132. 
Sparta, 11. 

Spencer, Herbert (quoted), 172. 
Spoils System, The, 71-73; used by bosses, 74, 75; rea- 



INDEX- 223 

son for the. 76, jj ; contrasted with English patronage, 

■ 78. 

i, De, Mine, (quoted), 24. J2. 

d, Wm. T.. 116. 
Stock Exchange, gambling* on the, 126. 

sbourg, The City of, 131. 

ng, Josiah (quoted), 173, 177. 
Suffrage, manhood, 13— 15; morality and education the 
guards of, 15-19; educational value of, 16, 17 ; female, 
objections to, considered, 23-42. 
Sumner, Chas. (quoted), 101. 

ter, Gen., 22. 
Supreme Law, The, 16. 
Swartwout, Sam'l. (quoted). ^}. 
Switzerland, 180. 

Tacitus, 90. 

Taine, the historian, 90, 

Talleyrand (quoted), 17. 
Tamerlane, 34. 

Temperance workers, charity among, 98. 
Thackeray, William M , 141. 
Therese, Marie, Queen, 29. 
Timor, the Tartar, 34. 
Titian, 49. 
Tocqueville, de A 
Tolstoi, Count, 137. 

a, the defined, 59-62. 
Tribune, the Chicago (quoted). 139. 
Tweed, Boss, 63. 
United States, the growth of, 50-54. 

Victoria, Queen. 29. 

una, the city of, 1 55. 
Virtue, male, 107-112. 

nought and sold, 18, 19; controlled by bos! 

shington, 47, yo. 

Ule of, 1 j 

Wat 

lth, distributed. 191. 



224 INDEX. 

Webster, Daniel, 47. 

Wellington, the Duke of, 159. 

Wesley, John, 166, 188. 

Westminster Leagues, 160. 

Wheelock, Edwin I), (quoted), 175. 

White Cross Army, 116. 

Whitefield, the Evangelist, 166. 

Wilde, Oscar, 154. 

Willard, Frances E. (quoted), 32, 107-109. 

Woman, pagan, mediaeval, and modern, conceptions of 

23-25. 
Women, in young people's societies, 41. 

Yankees Europeanized, 147, 148. 

Young people's societies, relation of, to Christian citizen- 
ship, 159-165. 

Zola, i-;.. 137. 



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